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HON. MAYOR WOOD. 



m 







A MODEL MAYOE. 

EARLY LIFE, 

AND 

TRIUMPHANT MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 

MAYOR OF THE CITY OF NE\Y YORK: 

PRESENTING- HIS PUBLIC SPEECHES AND MESSAGES, AND 
THE PRINCIPLES ON WHICH HIS GOVERNMENT 
., IS FOUNDED. 



BY A CITIZEN OF NEW YORH^ 




NEW YORK: 
AMERICAN FAffiLY PUBLICATION ESTABLISmiENT, 

128 Nassau Street. 
1855. 



44- 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1855, 
BY E. HUTCHINSON; 
La tlKi Clerk's Ofiice of the District Court for the Sonthe'Ti T>i^sitrict 
of New York/ 



CONTENTS. 



PAGfi 



Introductory Remarks ------- 7 

Biographical Sketch of Mayor Wood - - . - - 10 

New York Governed 13 

Mr. Wood's Election as Mayor of New York - - 15 

Inauguration of Mayor Wood 17 

First Message 1* 

Charge to the Police 22 

No Policeman allowed to Enter a Public House or 

House of III Fame, except on Official Business - 24 
Abuses of Hackmen, Complaint Book, &c. - - - 24 
Second Message of Mayor Wood - - - - 25 

Form of Municipal Government 51 

Mayor Wood's Letter to Franklin Pierce, President 
OF the United States, in respect to the Importa- 
tion OF Foreign Paupers and Felons - - - 58 
Letter and Directions of Mayor Wood to the Police 

OF New York 59 

Our Mayor Abroad ------- 62 

Manifesto from Mayor Wood in Eeference to the Maine 

Liquor Law 62 

Speech of Mayor Wood in Congress, on the Fiscal 
Bank of the United States, Delivered August 3, 

." 1841 - - QQ 

Speech of Mayor Wood in Congress on the Operation 

OF the Tariff Laws, Delivered Feb. 9, 1842 - - 83 
Speech of Mayor Wood in Congress on the Navy 

Appropriation Bill, Delivered May 20, 1842 - - 94 
Report of Mayor Wood in Congress on Naval Af- 
fairs, January 10, 1843 - 108 

Letter Addressed to Henry J. Raymond, on the Police 
Bill before the Legislature of the State of New 
York -...-- 124 



INTRODUCTOEY EEMAKKS. 



In this age of moral obtuseness, political cor- 
ruption, and servile, cringing timidity of officials 
before vice and crime, it is cheering to know that 
there is occasionally one who, independently and 
fearlessly, wields the sceptre of power which is 
placed in his hands, and, with full determination 
to conquer, grapples with every form of iniquity, 
making law, order and virtue triumphant. It 
is espe'cially gratifying, in a great city like this, 
where lawlessness, immorality, bloodshed and mur- 
der have been almost unimpeded, to see a magis- 
trate rise above the selfish desire to aggrandize 
himself, and scorn to pander to the corrupt desires 
of his constituents. The manner in which the 
lowest dregs of society in New York, composed m 
part of the scum of Europe's prisons and alms- 
houses, have outraged all decency and good order, 
not only in the foulest dens of infamy and amid 
the darkness of midnight, but in our fashionable 
streets and in open daylight, calls for an outburst 
of indignation from every moral and religious man. 
It calls for more ; it demands action— at the polls, 
by petition, and especially by sustaining those m 
authority who dare to face the terrific storm which 
threatens to overwhelm them at every step they 
take in wrenching the dagger from the hand of the 
assassin, in rescuing female virtue from the grasp 
of the debauchee, and in endeavoring to disperse 
the dark and threatening clouds of moral contami- 
nation which almost entirely hide from our view 
the hght of morality and reUgion. The loose man- 



Tm INTRODUCTOHY REMARKS. 

ner in whicli the laws have been administered in 
this city for several years past is notorious ; aye, 
the utter want of principle in many of our highest 
officers and their contemptible endeavors to ag- 
grandize and enrich themselves at the expense of 
good citizens, have made us a reproach not only to 
this whole nation, but to European cities. It is a 
humbling fact that the tea-room and whisky-bottle 
have influenced many of our highest officers, far 
more than a desire to fearlessly and fliithfully per- 
form their duty, and endeavor to be in reality as 
they should be, a terror to evil doers. 

Some of our chief magistrates have commend- 
ably endeavored to reform and renovate the city, 
and have succeeded to some extent for a short time ; 
but have seemed finally to be overwhelmed by 
the immense tide of opposition and corruption 
with which they were surrounded, and to have 
given up in despair. We are fully aware that a 
man must have almost superhuman inflexibility, 
fearlessness, and perseverance, to stem the tide ; 
but it CAN BE DONE. True it may be at the risk of 
slander and even life ; but it can be done. The 
laws are good, and only need a few modifications. 
Let them be executed. No matter what the con- 
sequences are. Let opposers resist ; let the envious 
growl and defame ; let the dens of licentiousness 
gnash their teeth; let the assassin prowl along 
our pathway, endeavoring to silence us in death ; 
and let the wail of revenge against us ascend from 
the cells of our penitentiaries and prisons ; but let 
us do our duty in the fear of God, and all will be 
well. He whose eye cannot look upon iniquity 
with allowance, will bless us as magistrates, as indi- 
viduals, and as a city. 



INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. ix 

We are liappy to say that the subject of the fol- 
lowing sketch has commenced his administration 
with a full determination, at all hazards, to carry 
out the principles stated above ; and thus far he 
has been wonderfully successful — so much so, that 
his fearlessness and uncompromising determination 
to put down every obstruction to good order and 
morality, has called forth a universal outburst of 
approbation from the press ; and even those who 
were once his enemies have become his friends, and 
heartily co-operate with him. 

The following pages contain a brief sketch of 
the life of Hon. Fernando Wood, and especially a 
view of his public character and administration in 
this city. 

As he has been known to express his unwilling- 
ness to contribute anything with a view of herald- 
ing his own fame, we wish it understood that he is 
in no way responsible for the publication of this 
volume. We therefore present a briefer sketch of 
our worthy Mayor than we hoped to do — the ma- 
terials for which we have gathered from the New 
York Quarterly, public documents, and other reli- 
able sources. 

We present these facts not from any desire to 
flatter the subject of the sketch, who, like all other 
mortals, has his failings, but to hold up his admin- 
istration of public justice as highly worthy to be 
imitated by those who occupy stations of public 
trust, and to call forth the sympathy and co-ope- 
ration of all orderly citizens — and especially of the 
moral and religious in this community. 

New York, May, 1855. 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MAYOR WOOD. 



The subject of this sketch was born in Philadelphia, Pa., June 
14th, 1812, where* he resided six years, when his father removed 
to New York city. The father of Mr. "Wood was a very worthy 
man, and had an extensive influence among the mercantile com- 
munity, of which he was a member. He was educated under the 
superintendence of James Shea, late instructor of grammar in Co- 
lumbia College, and afterwards received such training as admirably 
fitted him for mercantile pursuits. At a suitable age he engaged 
in business, in which he was abundantly successful, as he retired 
with a competence for life, after having labored as a merchant only 
about sixteen years. This remarkable success is to be attributed 
to his systematic business habits, unconquerable energy, and indom- 
itable perseverance in all commercial arrangements. 

In 1840, Mr. Wood was elected a member of Congress, which 
office he honorably filled during one term of three sessions. His 
able speeches in the House of Representatives are presented below. 
In 1850 he was nominated for Mayor of New York, but was de- 
feated by A. C. Kingsland. In 1854 he was nominated again, 
and elected in November, to fill the chau- he now occupies. He 
was, however^ strenuously opposed by interested and prejudiced par- 
ties, and it was only by the number of candidates, dividmg the op- 
posers of Mayor Wood, that his election was secured. The friends 
of temperance, morality and religion, perhaps without foundation, 
entertained strong fears that he would not pursue such a course as 
they desired ; but the reverse has proved true. He has far ex- 
ceeded what they would have expected from the candidate of their 
own choice. 

Mayor wood, seems to be settled in his convictions of duty in ref- 
erence to his present course of action. He has long been convmc- 
ed of the defects in our municipal regulations, and of the notori- 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XI 

ous laxness in the execution of the laws. We are informed that, 
some years since, when he was proposed as a candidate for the 
Presidency of the United States, he remarked that he had rather 
be Mayor of the city of New York. JVIi*. Wood is not an enthu- 
siastic partizan, although he really belongs to a party. We be- 
lieve that he is actuated, in' his energetic administration, purely 
from a sense of duty and from a strong desire for a reform in our 
municipal government. His executive qualifications are of the 
highest order, and we are confident that he will continue to receive 
laurels of applause in the discharge of his onerous duties. He is 
determined to execute the laws, as we have intimated in our intro- 
ductory remarks ; and even the Prohibitory Liquor Law will sure- 
ly be put in force to the extent of his energy and power, as far as 
the decisions of his legal advisors will allow, though all the Rum- 
mies of New York should appear in battle array against him. A 
writer m the " New York Quarterly" has so clearly and forcibly 
presented the points in Mayor Wood's administration, that we 
cannot do better than to present the article nearly entire.* 

A view of the manner m which Mayor Wood conducts the busi- 
ness of his office, as well as his habits of life, may not be uninterest- 
ing to the reader. A person unacquainted with the various transac- 
tions which come under his personal supervision and direction, has 
no idea of the amount of labor daily executed by him. We doubt 
whether any public functionary ever performed so much arduous 
work. Little if any of his time is devoted to his own private in- 
terests. He rises before daybreak, usually taking his morning 
meal by candle-light — after which he passes his time in his private 
office at his residence, answering communications, preparing letters, 
messages, &c., and marking out the- duties to be performed by the 
attaches of his office. At 9 o'clock he proceeds to the City Hall, 
where he is engaged until 2J o'clock, in more multifarious and 
intricate duties than was ever perfoimed by any Mayor during the 
same period. 

* The New York Quarterly is an able Jonrnal, published by James G. Eeed, 
348 Broadway (Appletou's Building), and edited by Mr. Remington, a well- 
known writer. 



Xn BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. 

Besides the municipal questions of great interest which are con- 
tinually arising, the magisterial duties have greatly increased. 
Nor does the Mayor confine himself to these alone : he has made 
it his province to relieve parties who have been defrauded, where 
no criminal law could afford them aid, and where the slow process 
of civil remedy in the courts would consume a very long time. 
Many thousands of dollars have thus been restored to parties who 
otherwise could have obtained no redress. 

To give some idea of the immense amount of business transacted 
by him, and the various labors connected therewith, we mention 
the following offices which are held by him, and whose meetings 
he regularly attends and takes part in their deliberations. He is 
President of the Board of Supervisors, President of the Sinking 
Fund Commissioners, President of the Police Commissioners, Presi- 
dent of the Leake & Watts' Orphan Asylum, ex officio member 
of Commissioners of Emigration, President of the Board of Trustees 
of the Sailor's Snug Harbor, President of the Board of Health 
Commissionei-s, ex officio Director of the New York Juvenile Asy- 
lum, ex officio member of the Board of Trustees of the Astor 
Library, and ex officio Trustee of the Eastern Dispensary. 

Much of Mayor Wood's time is occupied at "his residence, in his 
private office. There his messages, letters, and various other ofifi. 
cial duties, are transacted; and it is really surprising how one 
man can, in so short a space of time, accomplish such almost Her- 
culean tasks. Tlie salary attached to the office is indeed trifling, 
verv many of our judicial and executive officers receiving a much 
larger compensation. This, however, is not a matter of the slight, 
est moment with Mayor Wood, his whole ambition being bent 
upon giving to the city of Ne\f York a better form of government, 
and upon setting an example to other cities in the Union, of what 
can be accomplished for the people, by energy, perseverance, and 
an honest discharge of public duty. 



PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 



OP 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 



NEW YORK GOVERNED. 

We cordially congratulate our fellow-citizens of the commercial 
metropolis upon the vast benefit which has come upon our city. It 
is proved by actual experiment that New York can be governed. 
The old axiom — Where there's a will there's a way — holds good 
as to the mayoralty ; and henceforth all men will bear it in mind 
that, when a mayor fails to meet the responsibilities of his station, 
it is only for want of will — not of power. The success of this 
experiment is full of more and wider hopes for our country than 
are obvious to superficial consideration. It is not easily realized, 
if at all, by eve;i the most far-seeing, how much of the vital energy 
of our Republic is centred in New York. Its pulsations are like 
a great heart, and when healthy, it cleanses all, restores all, vitali- 
zes all, and sends out streams of hfe to the remotest fibre of the 
body politic. There is not a city in the land which has not felt its 
police authority invigorated and its sense of security increased, by 
learning that New York is governed ; and New York itself feels 
as if a heavy and murky cloud, which overhung its prospects, and 
already began to paralyze its energies, had begun to be lifted up, 
on this practical solution of the momentous problem — which before 
liad become so doul^tful — whether it is possible to maintain a vigor- 
ous and thorough and impartial administration of the laws, as laws, 



14 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

throughout the city. Millions of dollars of available capital, pour- 
ed in upon us, could not have done so much for the enduring pros- 
perity of the city, as has been done by the honored Chief Magis- 
trate, by whose energy that fearful doubt is removed ; and both the 
vu-tuous and the vicious have been made to know assuredly that 
government here is a stern and immovable reahty. The friends 
of free government in all parts of the world, and its enemies too, 
may be taught by this example, once for all, that the capacity of 
man for self-government will stand the trial, even in the most 
heterogeneous population that ever was compacted together as a 
city in a civilized country. We desire to state this case fully and 
comprehensively, in the faint hope that the lessons which it teaches 
so forcibly will now at length be allowed to stand as settled prin- 
ciples, so that it shall never more be deemed fanatical or revolution- 
ary to refer to these truths as axioms that need not be perpetually 
argued over again as often as they are referred to. The rebuke so 
quietly administered by a venerable judge, to a young lawyer who 
was haranguing at great length — '' It is safe to take it for grant- 
ed that the Court knows something of law" — ought to apply to 
politicians and legislators — at least in this country. Let the man 
be hooted dowm who assumes to teach politics, and yet does not 
know that the people can govern themselves. 

The great want of New York has been a city government. 
That want is still unsupphed. We are governed, but it is by 
Mayor Wood, whose extraordinary wisdom and energy have 
enabled him to impart a working power to several different branches 
of the executive administration, by the simple force of his own 
will. The experiment is invaluable, as a ground of encouragement 
for future efforts — the resulting present benefits are beyond com- 
putation ; but we are sure that all intelligent citizens will concur 
with us in 'the opinion that all these vast interests ought to have a 
better guarantee for iho, future than the capacity of a smgle citizen,, 
who holds his office only for two year. And we feel, too, that 
it is the duty of the people, and of the Legislature, to relieve him 
from as many as possible of the obstacles and dead weights which 
he now has to contend with in carrying out his wise and faithful 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. ' ' 15 

purposes. Let us not only le governed by Mayor Wood, while he 
retains the will and power, but let us also have a government which 
we can rely upon, to carry out the people's will, and protect the 
people's mterests, when Mayor Wood shall no longer occupy the 
Praetorian chair. But our first duty is to set forth, in a httle 
more detail, what Mayor Wood has actually done for the city 
during the first quarter of his administration. 



MR. WOOD'S ELECTION. 

The city election, by which Mayor Wood was elevated to office, 
was conducted in a manner quite peculiar. The Reform Commit- 
tee, a large body of our most respectable citizens, and elected with- 
out reference to party, for the very purpose of bringing forward 
more responsible and trustworthy men for our municipal offices, 
proposed to have the suffrages of all the friends of order united 
upon a nominee of their own — naming first Mr. Nicholas Dean, 
and on his declining, under the plea of age and inability to endure 
the burden, Mr. Wilson G. Hunt. The Democratic friends of the 
national administration nominated Mr. Fernando Wood, a candi- 
date the most distasteful that could have been selected, in the view 
of multitudes of citizens. The Whig party deemed it more impor- 
tant to keep up their organization than to elect a Reform mayor, 
and nominated Mr. J. J. Herrick. At a late period, the new and 
secret association, called Know Nothings, nominated Mr. J. W. 
Barker, who also had the nomination of a portion of the Tempe- 
rance people. 

In the canvass, which was not active or enthusiastic, the friends 
of all the others professed to be particularly fearful of the success 
of Mr. Wood, and each party urged the claims of its candidate as 
the one who was the most likely of all others to defeat Wood. 
There is no doubt that hundreds of citizens voted as they did, for 
one of the other candidates — ^not from any preference for him, and 
perhaps against their own individual choice — under the belief that 
by voting for Hunt, or Herrick, or Barker, instead of their first 
preference, they should be more likely to keep the office from 
Wood. The result of this quadrangular struggle was an aggregate 



16 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

of 49,643 votes, when the aggregate of votes for Governor amount- 
ed to 60,36t ; showing that no less than 10,724 citizens, about 18 
per cent, of the whole, who actually went to the polls and voted, 
took no part in the election of Mayor of the city. Those who 
voted were : For Wood, 20,003 ; for Barker, 18,54t ; for Hunt, 
15,39t ; and for Herrick, 5,696. Wood over Barker, 1,456. 
Majority against Wood, 29,640. Proportion of Wood's vote to 
the whole, 40 per cent. The Democratic votes for Governor in 
the city were 31,545 ; 26,180 for Seymour, and 4,165 for Bron- 
son. Wood's fell short 11,542, or 38 per cent. The presidential 
vote in 1852 was 34,226 for Pierce, and 23,115 for Scott. Wood 
below Pierce, 14,223, or 41 per cent. The position of parties in 
the two Boards of the City Council are as i^ollows : — ■ 

Aldermen, Democrats, t ; Whigs and Reform, 15 — majority, 8. 
Common Council, Democrats, 26 ; Whigs and Reform, 34-^ma- 
jority against the Democrats, 8. 

In the State Legislature, they stand : Senate, 23 Whigs to 10 
Democrats ; Assembly, Democrats, 42 ; Whigs, etc., 85. Majority 
against Democrats, 43. 

We have stated the case in all these various aspects, not for any 
partisan or other unworthy purpose, but because we judged it im- 
portant to show, as fully as we could, the exact circumstances 
under which Mr. Wood undertook the office of the mayoralty, 
with all the odds that were against him. Let it be added, that 
his predecessors for several years have been gradually growing 
more and more disheartened with the difficulties they had to en- 
counter, from the unskillful machinery of our city government, and 
the progress of political demoralization, until the last one had vir- 
tually given up in despair^ and contented himself with the most 
perfunctory performance of the ordinary routine of duty, apparently" 
without an effort to restore a healthy administration of affairs. 
Add to this, that the great body of those who most desired a reform 
of the city government expected nothing from him, had opposed him 
in the newspapers, and voted against him at the polls, and regarded 
his election as a great calamity, under which the only consolation 
was in the hope that now things would sooner come to the worst, 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. It 

and thus at length be ready to mend. We cannot well conceive 
a more unpropitious introduction into a high and responsible office ; 
nor one affording so little to encourage a single-handed attempt 
at a general reform. Such was the aspect of things on the morn- 
ing of the new year. 

INAUGURATION^ OF MAYOR WOOD. 
At twelve o'clock, noon, the new mayor took the oath of office, 
and entered upon the discharge of the same, by communicating to 
the two Boards of the Common Council an inaugural address, the 
publication of which, in the papers of the following morning, fah'ly 
electrified the city, and diffused a thrill of congratulation through- 
out the whole community. It was so firm and authoritative in its 
tone, so clear and discriminating in its statements, so bold and 
uncompromising in its positions, that the very reading of it gave 
assurance of a new era in our municipal history. It was evidently 
the product of a mind which knew what to say, and which would 
not fail to do as it said. 



FIRST MESSAGE OF MAYOR WOOD. 

To the Honorable the Common Council of the City of New York : 

Gentlemen : In assuming the duties of Chief Magistrate of this great 
city, I am conscious of its responsibilities and requirements. I shall en- 
deavor to supply my want of experience and knowledge by an entire 
devotion to the public interests, and hope, by a faithful discharge of my 
official trusts, to meet the approbation anfl receive the support of your 
Honorable Body and ray fellow-citizens. 

The preaeat is not an auspicious time to commence a new administra- 
tion ; it is beyond the ability of any man, exercising the duties of this 
office under the city charter, to give this people, that government which 
appears to be so generally expected, and which is certainly so much 
required. 

However we may differ as to the cause, there can be no doubt of a 
pervading dissatisfaction with the municipal affairs of this city ; that 
this feeling exists, and that there are sufficient grounds for it, all must 
admit ; whether it arises from defects in the fundamental laws, or from 
improper local legislation, or from mal-administration upon the part of 

2 



18 UFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OP 

those intrusted with the executive duties, are questions upon which there 
is diversity of opinion ; in my judgement ail of these are the causes. 

The amended charter of 1830 was preferable to the present system. 
Admitting that it required modification, the subsequent amendments 
have but increased the difficulties. 

The allegation that it was inadequate to the increased size and wants 
of the city, was, in my opinion, entirely without foundation. 

The Constitution of the United States is as applicable to the present 
greatness of the Republic as it was to the Federal Union at the time of 
its adoption. Had amendments been made to it at the instance of every 
party or statesman who deemed it insufficient, we should have fallen to 
the same condition as a nation that this city has as a corporation. 

The mistake in disturbing the charter of 1830 was not only in the 
alterations efiPected, but also in the introduction of an uneasy spirit in 
the people, who, by the continual application to the state legislation, 
have been taught to look to foreign remedies for domestic abuses. 

Thus have we transferred to Albany much that could have been bet- 
ter cared for among ourselves — forgetting the old republican maxim, 
that no power should be delegated which can be exercised by the people 
themselves. This principle should never be forgotten. It was faithfully 
adhered to by the framers of the national Constitution. In all countries 
and in all ages, the utmost caution has been observed in granting to 
representatives the right of even ordinary legislation. 

We should not present the first instance in which a people voluntarily 
surrenders the power to form the organic laws, yielding that highest of 
all prerogatives to men who owe us no responsibility, are not chosen by 
our suffrages, who are foreign to our interests, do not understand our 
wants, and who, consequently, s^e liable to become the tools of designing 
men, having selfish or corrupt objects of their own to obtain. 

Amendments to the charter of 1830 have, one after another, been 
adopted at Albany, until now we are administering the government by 
portions of six diflerent charters, which create nine executive depart- 
ments, having undefined, doubtful, and conflicting powers, with heads 
elected by the people, each assuming to be sovereign and independent 
of the others, of the Mayor, or of any other authority ; and beyond the 
reach of any, except that of impeachment by the Common Council, 
which never has been, and probably never will be exercised. 

This irresponsibility has been productive of carelessness in expendi- 
ture, and negligence in the execution of the ordinances. 



HON, FERNANDO WOOD. 19 

Thug, in the attempts to remedy defects by foreign aid, which could 
have been accomplished at home, we have fastened upon ourselves a 
complicated, many-headed, ill-shaped, and uncontrollable monster, which 
has not, in my opinion, developed its worst characteristics. 

So far as my duties are defined, I feel some embarrassment. Even 
co-ordinate powers with the several executive departments are denied 
me in some quarters ; and the fact that my predecessors, under the new 
charters, have not attempted their exercise, is relied upon as sustaining 
this position. 

Without desiring to question the wisdom of those who have preceded 
me in this office, I must be permitted to, construe my powers and duties 
as I understand them. Eestricted as the prerogatives of the Mayor have 
been, by almost every legislative act appertaining to the government of 
this city, for several years, still there is sufficient left to instill more 
energy into the administration than now exists, and to hold at least a 
supervisory check over the whole city government. 

It is true, that though ostensibly head of the Police Department, he is 
not so practically, in the essential elements of autliority — that of controll- 
ing the retention or removal of his own subordinates. The Chief of 
Police holds his place independent of the Mayor, that officer having been 
appointed during "good behaviour," by the late Mayor and# Board of 
Commissioners, under the law of 1853, which they construed to give 
that authority. He cannot, solus, appoint or remove the humblest sub- 
ordinate in the service, nor take the rules and regulations for its gover- 
nance. Of these requisites of power, so necessary to make an efficient 
police corps, he is by law deprived. Discipline can only be obtained 
and maintained by the firm hand of unrestricted power ; besides, it is 
wrong in principle, to make any public officer responsible for the acts 
of subordinates, who are jDlaced beyond his individual power to remove. 
These are some of the evils arising from the frequent application to 
state legislation for this city. Instead of a simple form of government, 
easily understood, the power of its officers so well defined that there 
could be no conflict or misunderstanding, we have one full of the objec- 
tions referred to. 

It is not my purpose, at this time, to indicate a substitute, though I 
cannot omit to add my belief, that the most perfect form of government 
was that adopted by the framers of the Federal Constitution, Its clear 
and simple provisions are equally applicable to municipal corporations, 
or to a nation of a hundred millions. The Mayor should be to the city 
what the President is to the general government. There should be cor- 



20 . LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

responding executive departments, with lieads selected by the May6r^' 
(subject to the confirmation of the Board of Aldermen) who should have 
entire control, and be, himself, responsible to the people. The Mayor 
and Heads of Departments should meet in council, and have a general 
uniformity of action and co-operation with each other, in carrying out 
the laws and preserving the general interests of the city. Over the 
whole should govern the Chief Magistrate ; he should have the one-man 
power, which history teaches is the least dangerous, and the most posi- 
tive for good. 

Certainly we have suffered more from legislative assumptions, or 
misconduct of subordinates in authority, than-from the tyranny or cor- 
ruption of a chief ruler. 

Precedent shows there is safety in the latter, not only in the exercise 
of authority for the public weal, but as a barrier against the wrong 
doings of the former. The stronger the head, the more healthy the body ; 
but if strength is taken away by diverting it to a multitude of heads, 
the whole becomes enervated, and unable to discharge its functions. 

Concentration, with ample power, insures efficiency, because it creates 
one high, responsible authority. Decentralization is subversive of all 
good executive government. 

This want of concentration has been the prime cause of the immense 
load of taxation which we now bear. To compare the relative taxation 
per individual under the charter of 1830, and that now existi^ig, will 
prove this assertion. 

In 1843, the amount raised by tax for the support of the city govern- 
ment, was one million seven hundred and forty-seven thousand five 
hundred and sixteen dollars and fifty-nine cents ; whereas, in 1853, it 
was five millions sixty-seven thousand two hundred and seventy-five 
dollars and sixty-nine cents ; and this year it is nearly six millions — a 
startling increase. Need you be told that this addition of two hundred 
and fifty per centum is the result of either corruption or wasteful 
extravagance— the natural consequence of irresponsibility ? 

And here let me diverge, to remark that, to tolerate profligate outlays 
of the public money, whilst nearly one tenth of our whole population 
are in want of the necessaries of life, is as shocking to humanity as it is 
injustice to a large and valuable class of our suffering fellow-citizens. 

Surely we are admonished that, if this rate of taxation be continued, 
more of it should be devoted to the relief of the poor, whose industry 
bears most of its burdens, and who are now stiging into our ears their 
cries of distress. Labor was never so depressed as now. Employment 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 21 

.is almost entirely cut off. aud if procured, its remuneration is totally 
inadequate, owing to the high price of articles of subsistence. The 
prices of labor and of food bear no relative equality. 

In ordinary times of general prosperity, capital possesses advantages 
over labor. 

Capital can always protect itself, and it is only at periods of inflation, 
when capital is directed to speculation in the products of labor, that the 
operative is appreciated, and his industry rewarded by competent com- 
pensation. 

But now, when capital either timidly retreats through fear to the 
bank-vaults, or is diverted to the oppression for gain of those who 
are employed, their condition is sad enough. Does it not behoove us, not 
only individually but in our corporated capacity, to throw ourselves 
boldly forward to his relief? 

This is the time to remember the poor ! 

Do we not owe industry everything? It is its products that has 
built up this great city. 

Do not let us be ungrateful as well as inhuman. Do not let it be 
said that labor, which produces everything, gets nothing, and dies of 
hunger in our midst, whilst capital, which produces nothing, gets every- 
thing and pampers luxury and plenty. 

It is our duty to take and administer this government under the 
charters and laws as we find them, until a change is effected for the 
better. Valuable improvements can now be made, notwithstanding 
these objections to the system. All the evils of which the people com- 
plain are not chargeable to wrong legislation. If the Common Council 
will be more cautious in the passage of ordinances, especially those 
involving disbursements of money, holding fast to the purse-strings, as 
against the harpies, who for many years have hovered around its cham- 
bers — and if the executive bureau will co-operate with me in the rigid 
enforcement of the laws, and particularly in restraining expense and 
exacting a faithful performance of every contract — we may do much 
towards removing the present discontent. 

Most assuredly the people pay enough for the better administration of 
their public affairs ; and it has never appeared to me that they were un- 
reasonable in their requirements. 

They ask public order— the suppresp-'^n of crime and vice — clean 
streets — the removal of nuisances and abolition of abuses — a restriction 
of taxation to the absolute wants of an economically administered gov- 



22 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

ernment, and a prompt execution of the laws and ordinances. Let us 
endeavor to meet their expectations. 

For myself, I desire to announce here, upon the threshold, that, as I 
understand and comprehend my duties and prerogatives, they leave me 
no alternative, without dishonor, but to assume a general control over 
the whole city government, so far as protecting its municipal interests 
may demand it. I shall not hesitate to exercise even doubtful powei-s, 
when the honor or the interest of the public is abused. 

The public good ^till be sufficient warrant to insure my action. Under 
this law I shall proceed, not doubting your concurrence and the support 
of the people for whom the responsibility is assumed. 

I have purposely omitted, in this communication, the usual recom- 
mendations and references to the affairs of the city. There are many 
prominent topics to which I will allude in another communication, to 
be made as soon as your body is organized and ready for business. I 
shall then make recommendations, which, if carried out, will reform 
many abuses, reduce the expenditure, and increase the revenue, without 
increased taxation. In the mean time, the usual annual reports will 
be made from the several departments, to which I ask your special 
attention. 

With a hearty desire that, in our separate spheres, we may conduct 
the affairs of the city so as to merit a continuance of its greatness, and 
with confidence in the ability and devotion to the popular will which 
influences the several members of your honorable body, I commend its 
deliberations to the protection of that All-wise Providence, which will, 
no doubt, so conduct its councils as to insure the prosperity and well- 
being of the whole community. FERNANDO WOOD. 

Janu^ky 1st, 1855. 



CHARGE TO THE POLICE. 
On the same day, he issued a circular to the captains of police, 
in the style of a determined chief magistrate, who did not entertain 
the thought that his will could be disregarded or his commands 
disobeyed ; " You wiU see that every requirement is complied with, 
and that the results be reported every day to the chief at his oQicc, 
in your usual morning return. I will also take this occasion to 
ask of you the most rigid adherence to the rules and regulations 
governing the Department, and to express the hope that disciplhie 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 23 

will be observed, without relaxation, in your district. Discipline 
can only be maintained by a regard to the smallest requirements ; 
it requires compliance with every order, however trivial or appa- 
rently unimportant — it recognizes no right in a subordinate to judge 
the practicability or propriety of and direction issued by a superior 
officer." SuAi an order, by its very tone and force, at once infused 
life into that department, and brought the police into the feeling 
of responsibility, of serviceableness, of the possession of power, and 
of conscious self-respect. From the appearance of a set of lazy, 
listless, disorganized hangers-on, they put on the appearance of an 
organized and disciplined body of men, who felt that they were in 
the service of the pubUc, and that under their protection the citizens 
were bound to rest in safety and peace. 

With this order was issued a code of strict instructions to each 
member of the police, appealing to his ambition to retrieve the 
lost character of the police, by a course of conduct worthy of the 
position of trust and honor which he enjoyed. "You have now," 
said he, "a determined chief officer, who will not be indifferent to 
a single dereliction of duty upon the part of those for whose con- 
duct he is resjponsiUe to the community." " I cannot look over the 
whole city to see that all is right ; but you can for me. I rely 
upon you. You are to be the eyes through w^hich the theatre of 
my duties is to be observed, and the messengers to convey to me, 
through your officers, faithful and truthful reports." These 
instructions related to the daily reports, which each man is to make 
when on duty, in regard to every breach of the city ordinances ; 
every omission to report being punishable as an act of disobedience. 
Particularly they were to report every street uncleaned, every 
unlicensed house for the sale of liquors, every public-house open on 
the Sabbath, every house of prostitution or for gambling, every 
street not lighted, every street or side-walk encumbered, every 
excavation or nuisance, and every dereliction of duty by an officer 
of the city. They were to disperse all noisy gatherings on the 
Sabbath, to protect strangers and emigrants from extortion, to 
remove beggars from the streets, and see to the prompt removal 
of snow and ice ; to arrest any who created riot, or were drunk or 



24 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

disorderly in the street, any cart-man or coachman who obstructed 
the crossings, any servant throwing offal or ashes into the street, 
etc. The closing of the public-houses on the Sabbath required 
renewed and express orders, and was rendered more difficult by 
the persistence of the large hotels in keeping up their sales at the 
bar. Whereupon the Mayor addressed a courteou* note to the 
keepers of hotels, asking their co-operation, as good citizens, in the 
reform he was endeavoring to carry out, and assuring them that 
he should make no distinctions, but meant to enforce the law to 
the utmost against every place where liquor was sold unlawfully 
on the Sabbath. He also put forth an order to the police to re- 
port every other place- of business, particularly daguerreotype 
rooms and clothing stores open on Sunday, and declared his deter- 
mination '' to make this city as distinguished for the orderly and 
peaceful character of its streets on the Sabbath, as it has hereto- 
fore been on that day for everything that was objectionable and 
shocking to the moral sense of the people." 

NO POLICEMAN ALLOWED TO ENTER A PUBLIC HOUSE, OR A HOUSE OF 
ILL FAME, UNLESS ON OFFICIAL BUSINESS. 

An important step was taken towards the elevation of the 
police personally, by an order peremptorily forbidding them to 
enter a public-house or brothel, except when summoned, or for the 
prevention of crime. A host of al^uses were suppressed, and 
temptations removed from the policemen, by another order, prohib- 
itmg all settlements by them with persons arrested, and requiring 
them in every case to appear and make oath to the charge on 
which the arrest is made. 

ABUSES OF HACKMEN, COMPLAINT BOOK, &C. 

By another order, he at once annihilated the intolerable 
hackmen's abuse, which has heretofore made all travelers dread 
the perils of an arrival in New York by steamboat. He also 
adopted a simple expedient, which it is strange no one had ever 
tried before, of opening a complaint-book in his office, to which 
every citizen might have access, and where he w^as at liberty to 



HON. r|:RNANDO WOOD. 25 

enter his complaint against any officer or other person for a breach 
of the laws, or for any other grievance which the municipal author- 
ities ought to remove. These complaints are not only open to 
public inspection, but are found to furnish an interesting paragraph 
of city items for the newspapers, besides obtaining the prompt 
attention of the Mayor. The number of drinking-houses open on 
Sunday was soon reduced from 2,3,00 to about 20, and the arrests 
for crimes and offenses on the Sabbath fell from 150 to 30. Al- 
though it was impossible to remove all abuses in an instant, more 
has already been done than any man but Mayor Wood would have 
believed possible, and we do not believe there ever was so great a 
change effected in the moral and social and material condition of 
half a million of people in six weeks, as he accomphshed in the 
first half of the first quarter of his first year's mayoralty. And 
the cordial approval he has received from all quarters, ought to 
assure him that he is ingratiating himself with the hearts and 
memories of all, as a great public benefactor. He has also firmly 
and iJiersistently refused all the favors and privileges which indi- 
viduals or companies are ready to offer to public men, such as free 
tickets, free rides, free subscriptions to books and periodicals, and 
everything that has the look of a gift from any quarter, or on 
any account. " A gift blindeth the eyes," says Solomon ; and 
Mr. Wood's example is to be greately commefded. 



SECOND MESSAGE. 
On the 11th of January, the Mayor transmitted to the Common 
Council his general message, representing the condition of affairs, 
with his recommendations of such measures as he judged needful. 
The permanent debt of the city, redeemable from the sinking fund, 
is $13,960,856 ; which is reduced by the inking fund, and other 
assets, to $8,779,441 ; and to this debt should be added the fund- 
ed loans redeemable from the taxes, making the total indebt- 
edness $9,933,441, the interest of which is all provided for by the 
revenues of the suiking fund. The amounts which have been 



26 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

raised ly taxation have increased, iq» eleven years, from $1,988,818, 
in 1844, to the enormous sum of $5,918,593, to be raised in 
1855 — an increase of 200 per cent. The taxes for this year are 
very nearly three times as much as in 1844 — a fearful tale ; and 
yet the amount could well be borne, if money's worth ^7ere real- 
ized for the expenditure. The Mayor does not hesitate to affirm 
" that it is the undue, unnecessary, extraordmary outlays, without 
sufficient equivalent, that have swollen our taxes to their present 
enormous amount." 

He then proceeds to point out some of the various ways in which 
the expenditure can be reduced, and peculation and other fraud 
and waste prevented. He would simplify the administration of 
business pertaining to the streets, which at present " is under the 
direction of six of the departments, besides several outside Com- 
missioners, Inspectors, Surveyors, Appraisers, and other temporary 
selected agents." A large share of these latter duties he would 
throw upon the police, and others he would dispense ^vith. " There 
is no question that the several duties of the policemen are entirely 
too light." And tlieu he would " consolidate all the business per- 
taining to streets into one department." The message is as fol- 
lows : — 

To the Honorable tJiB Common Council of the city of New York: 

Gentlemen : — In my communication to your Honorable Body, on 
the first instant, I purposely ommitted many recommendations, and 
subjects of interest, and promised that as soon as you were organized, 
and ready for business, they would be made. /-' 

It is the duty of the Mayor to communicate to the Common Council, 
at least once in each year, a statement of the affairs of the city. In 
pursuance of this duty, and of the promise made by me, I submit this 
communication. 

The several annual rl^orts from the executive departments have been 
several days before you, and no doubt thoroughly examined. In taking 
a survey of the affairs of the city, the first object to present, is the con- 
dition of the finances. A statement with reference to it is herewith 
furnished. 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 2T 

Permanent city debt, redeemable from the Sinking Fund, January 
1st, 1855. 

5 per cent. Water Stock, redeemable 1858 $3,000,000 

5 " " " 1860 2,500,000 

5 "• " " 1870 3,000,000 

6 " « " 1875 255,600 

5 " " ' « 1880 2,147,000 

5 & 6 '' Croton Water Stock, " 1890 1,000,000 

7 " Water Loan, " 1857 990,488 

5 " Public Building Stock, " 1856 515,000 

5 " Building Loan Stock 

No. 3, " 1870 75,000 

5 " Do. " 4, " 1873 75,000 

5 '^ " Fire Indemnity Stock, " 1868 402,768 

$13,960,856 
Corporation stocks and bonds held by the Commissioners 
of the Sinking Fund, on account of redemption of the 

city debt |4,252,289 

Additional assets (bonds and mortgages) held 

by the Commissioners on said account .... 911,886 
Balance in bank, Jan. 1, 1855 17,240 5.181,415 

Actual am't of permanent debt, Jan. 1, 1855, say $8,779,441 

which is a reduction, as compared with the amount of 

debt, January 2, 1854, of $460,246. 
Funded debt redeemable from taxation, and payable (with 

the exception of Public Education Stock,) in annual 

instalments of $50,000, January 1st, 1855. 
6 per cent.- Btiilding loan stock, No. 2, redeemable in 1855 

* and 1856 $100,000 

6 " Public Building Stock, No. 3, redeemable in 

1857 and 1864 400,000 

5 " Stock for Docks and Slips, redeemable in 

1867 and 1876 •• 500,000 

5 " Public Education Stock, redeemable in 1873 . . 154,000 

Total am't of funded debt, Jan. 1, 1855 $1,154,000 

which is an increase, as compared with the amount of debt, January 2, 
1854, of $204,000. 

The revenues of the Sinking Fand, for the payment of interest on the 



28 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

city debt, are fully adequate for the payment of interest on the above 
stocks. The balance to this account, January 1, 1855, being ^60,000, 
invested temporarily in revenue bonds of the city Corporation, and cash 
in bank $317,106 11 — thus rendering it unnecessary to raise any amount 
for " interest on city debts" by taxation. ^ 

In connection with this statement, another is presented, of the amounts 
which have been raised, by taxation, from 1844 to 1854, inclusive : 

1844 $1,988,818 56 

1845 2,096,19118 

1846 2,520,146 71 

1847 2,581,776 30 

1848 ^ . . . 2,715,510 25 

1849 3,005,762 5^, 

1850 3,230,085 02 

1851 2,924,455 94 

1852 3,380,511 05 

1853 5,067,275 69 

1854 4,845,386 07 *" 

And to be raised in 1855 5,918,593 25 

By this it will appear that the expenditures have gradually and 
steadily increased, though it is well known that the character of our 
government has deteriorated. 

The people of this city cannot realize that the actual cost of conduct- 
ing their municipal affairs amounts to the sum annually expended. They 
do not believe that all of the money appropriated is devoted to public 
wants. In my opinion, an examination of the subject, and close scrutiny 
of the various items composing the accounts of the disbursing officers, 
will show that it is the undue, unnecessary, extraordinary 'ftutlays, with- 
out sufficient equivalent, that have swollen our taxes to their prePnt 
enormous amount. 

It behooves us, as guardians of the public interests, to look to the 
subject. If it is longer permitted, we are particeps criminis, whether the 
money is spent under our own eyes or not. Besides greater caution in 
appropriations, we are called upon to exercise more vigilance over, and 
demand severer accountability from those who spend the money. The 
smallest items of expenditure should be guarded as sacredly as if 
amounting to hundreds of thousands. The principle which will permit 
a disbursing officer to divert the value of one dollar, in money or pro- 



HON. i'ERNANDO WOOD. 29 

perty, to his own or liis friend's purpose, will, iu time, render him a 
defaulter or a peculator. 

The treasury can be relieved in many ways ; several present sources 
of expenditure can be abolished entirely, and large sums be brought 
into the treasury, Avhich now go to the pockets of individuals. 

THE STREETS. 

The street openings and subsequent heavy outlays for that purpose in 
regulating, grading, paving, sewering, repairing, &c., are one of the 
heaviest burdens we bear. It is no answer to reply that much of it is 
returned to the treasury by assessments upon the property benefited ; 
it is of little importance to the party who pays, whether the money is 
procured from him under pretext of adding to the value of his real 
estate, or whether under the plea of supporting the government. 

We have no right to make distinction : — It is our duty to protect the 
private property of the people, as well as their public treasury. As 
now conducted, the public business appertaining to streets is under the 
direction of six of the departments, besides several outside Commissioners, 
Inspectors, Surveyors, Appraisers, and other temporary selected agents. 
The law officer superintends the selection of Commissioners of Estimates 
and Assessments to open, examines titles to property effected, and coun- 
sels the legal proceedings necessary in opening, widening, and altering 
streets. 

The Street Department advertises for proposals to open, makes con-^ 
tracts therefor, and through its bureau makes and collects assessments ; 
it also has charge of the opening, regulating and paving. The Croton 
Aqueduct Department atteiids to the sewerage and laying Croton water 
pipes. 

The Repairs and Supplies has control of repairing, relaying pave^ 
meuts, curb and gutter, &c» 

The Streets and Lamps place lamp-posts, and superintends the light- 
ing and cleaning. 

The City Inspector's Department attends to the removing of nuisances, 
carrying off dead horses, and other animals, and has general charge of 
everything relating to the streets, which affect their sanitary condition. 
Each has numerous subordinates with light duties, but large compensa- 
tion. Commissioners are appointed for each job, even to "declare' a 
street opened but for one block, anc\ though it may remain closed for 
a quarter of a century afterwards. Many of these persons, really and 
ia iact, in person perform no actual duties, and are compensated in pro- 



so LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

portion to the delays produced and money expencjed. These places are 
often given as the reward for other than official service, which is not of 
much value to the city ; some of this class may be called " professional 
street openers," whose time is devoted to the procuration of jobs of this 
kind, and hj getting resolutions through the Common Council to " open" 
when there is no necessity for it ; they are strong in partizan influence. 

The law which gives to a majority of the property holders, to be 
effected by an improvement when unnecessary, the power to prevent, is 
inoperative before them ; several instances have been recently brought 
to my attention, in which their influence over the Common Council has 
suppressed the voice of two thirds of the parties in interest who had 
remonstrated against their further proceedings. If pressed, they obtain 
delay in the Common Council, until all they can make out of the job is 
procured, when they magnanimously withdraw their opposition, and the 
city must foot the bill, and their " estimate and assessments" amount to 
nothing. Some of these persons have several streets on hand at the 
same time, and make large sums of money. It is but proper to add, 
that sometimes there are commissioners who are not comprehended 
within this description of them as a class. 

Another class, more useless though not so expensive, is the inspectors 
appointed to superintend the grading, regulating and cleaning of streets, 
building of sewers, docks, piers, &c. Some of these j^eople seldom see 
the work for which they are appointed inspector, and if they do, they 
know nothing of it, or do not wish to know, provided the contractor is 
a clever fellow, and does '• what is right." 

These departments frequently come in conflict with each other ; it 
sometimes happens that they are nearly all engaged at the same time, 
upon some part of the same street. It often occurs, that soon after the 
paving is completed, it is taken up to lay down a sewer, Croton water 
or gas pipes. Each department being independent and sometimes 
inimical to the other, no concert exists ; but every one, upon its own 
notions, proceeds to do what it deems best, without thinking or caring 
of expense or public convenience. 

It is no exaggeration to say, that sometimes twenty officials, belonging 
to different departments, are engaged in doing at the same time that 
which could be accomplished by one man, if acting for himself, in one- 
twentieth the time and at one-twentieth the cost. 

Each department is its own master and acts upon its own volition, 
without consent or consultation, and not unfrequently strives to thwart 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 81 

the plans of eacb other, and produce confusion. Every person having 
the control of private business or interest, can see, without further com- 
ment, the reason why so large a sum is expended upon our streets. 

The business-care, concentration, uniformity and regularity so essen- 
tial to the success of any enterprise, is entirely wanting. 

A general cutting-up and distribution of authority, creating irrespon- 
sibility and negligence, is productive of profligacy in expenditure and 
inefficiency in the performance of work. This abuse must be reformed. 
It has become too serious to be permitted longer. 

The little time which has been left me for investigation, consistent 
with other duties, has satisfied me that the whole business should be 
entirely under the control of one department, and at least one of the 
existing departments could be abolished entirely. There should be a 
Street Department, having sole jurisdiction over the whole subject ; 
some part of the duty could be advantageously given to other depart- 
ments, without detriment or additional expense. 

There should be a permanent Board of Commissioners, instead of 
three for each job as now, which should have the power to appoint per- 
manent surveyors for the whole city, instead of one for each work as 
now. It should be made the duty of the lav\^ officer of the Corporation to 
give his services, without additional compensation, directly or indirectly ; 
and if receiving fees, the amount should be paid into the treasury. 

There should be one or two permanent inspectors for the whole city, 
provided any is required, which I doubt, instead of one for each job, as 
now. The duties now performed by the Bureau of Assessments should 
be done by the present Board of Tax Commissioners, without additional 
compensation, who have not only sufficient leisure, but the surveys, maps 
and the assessed values of every improved and unimproved lot in the 
city within their own office, by which to facilitate the duty. The collec- 
tion of assessments should be made by the Keceiver of Taxes. 

Tiiat branch of the service coming under the head of repairs should 
be sover-^ scrutinized, and every dollar accounted for under the most 
stringent rules of accountability, and nothing should be expended except 
upon previous appropriation, with specific reference to the object for 
which the money was intended. The inconvenience and delays which 
would attend previous appropriations upon detailed estimates, for even 
small sums, could be of little consideration as compared with the princi- 
ple of unauthorised expenditures with the official profligacy which too 
often follows in its train. 



82 LIFE A^^D PUBLIC ADmNlST'EATION Of 

TAXABLE PROPERTY. 

Another matter of much importance is the feasibility of enlarging the 
basis upon which to levy tax. The board of Tax Commissioners, organ- 
ized a few years since, has added much to the taxable basis of real and 
personal estate. There is yet room for increase. 

Notwithstanding the vigilance of these officers and the assessois, a 
very large amount of personal property escapes, and an undue propor- 
tion is consequently put upon, real estate. A distinction is thus created 
entirely unjust to real property, calculated not only to affect its value, 
but to retard the growth of the city. There is no solid reason why dis- 
tinction should be made in the kind of value, whether real or personal, 
upon which we levy taxes. So long as the principle of taxation is upon 
property, all proj^erty should bear alike. ^ 

Besides the large amount of personal estate that escapes in con- 
sequence of the inability to discover it, there are immense amounts be- 
longing to , foreign manufacturers and traders, in the hands of agents 
resident here, who refuse to recognize our authority to collect. A very 
large sum thus gets clear. 

This foreign property receives all the protection which the city 
government affords, in common with that of our own people, which pays 
the expense. 

These foreign owners not only enjoy equal privileges with native 
citizens, but, in not paying taxes upon their property, possess an ex- 
emption which enables them to compete with American labor, and 
affording them undue advantages. 

People who pay taxes, cannot sell merchandise as low as those who 
pay none. Means should be taken during the present session of the 
legislature to procure the passage of a law, making the property of for-' 
eign manufacturers and others liable to taxation. 

ABOLITION OF FEES. 

As a further means of revenue, I recommend an application to the 
legislature for a law which will bring into the treasury the large sums 
now received by the Register, County Clerk, Counsel to the Corpo^ 
ratioHj Corporation Attorney, and other county ofBcers, who receive 
fees as their own perquisites. 

In some instances these sums are said to amount to from twenty to 
thirty thousand, dollars per annum to one person. Whilst it is right 
that every public officer should be sufficiently compensated, yet there can 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 

be no good reason for permitting a few to amass large fortunes, whilst 
other officials, who perform more labor and more responsible duties, are 
paid one-fifth the sum, and the whole community is burdened with taxes. 
Give liberal salaries, but let all fees go to the treasury. 

INTEREST TO BE CHARGED. 

A further relief may be found in requiring interest on deposits with 
the City Ti^easurer, and collecting and disbursing officers generally. The 
equity, practicability and importance of this measure is so apparent, that 
it surprises me it has not sooner been adopted. A very large revenue 
could be thus derived. There was to the credit of the city in the hands 
of the Treasurer, on the 28th of November, 1854, over one million of 
dollars ; the 1st of December, 1854, over one and a half millions — from 
which was drawn on these dates about a half a million, leaving about 
two millions to the credit of the city. Additional large sums have since 
been drawn — leaving, however, on the first of January instant, a balance, 
remaining to the credit of the city of one million two hundred and 
eight-three thousand four hundred and seventy-four dollars, for which 
the city receives no allowance of interest whatever. 

It is proper to add, that it frequently occurs that the City Chamber- 
lain is in advance to the city, and that during the last year he advanced 
fifty to sixty thousand dollars, on claims on the treasury, for which war- 
rants could not be given- — thus offering facilities to individuals having 
claims, who otherwise Tfould be obliged to wait the slow process of 
legislation, to be paid their just dues. Notwithstanding, however, this 
accom.moda+ing disposition upon the part of this officer, I can see no 
reason for conducting the financial affairs of the city upon any other 
principle than that which governs the commercial intercourse of in- 
dividuals. 

I am satisfied that the nearer we approximate the laws of trade, the 
better will public business be conducted, and the interests of the treasury 
protected. 

The city is obliged to pay interest when using the funds of individuals, 
and it should receive inrerest from individuals who have the use of its 
money. 

Last year the Comptroller borrowed, upon Revenue Bonds, three 
millions six hundred and ninety-three thousand dollars, nearly the whole 
of which was borrowed at the rate of seven per centum, and for which 
we are still paying interest, notwithstanding the large amount now 
lying to the credit of the city in bank. How long could an individual 

3 



34 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OP 

or a banking institution retain its credit or its capital, that conducted 
its affairs upon so ruinous a principle ? The state of New York dis- 
covered the value of its own revenues when lying in banlv-vaults, as 
early as 1826 ; it then adopted the policy of requiring interest upon its 
canal funds, which has been followed since, without deviation. My last 
advices from the Capitol, state that two millions and a half of dollars 
have been already received from that source, for interest exclusively, on 
the deposits of this fund with the banks ; and it is well known that some 
of the heads of the city collecting and disbursing bureau, have been in 
the practice of receiving interest from various city banks, on the public 
money in their hands, which has gone into their own pockets as private 
perquisites. 

In recommending a revenue from this source, I beg to be understood 
that no step should be taken in effecting it, which would in the least 
jeopard the security of the money. Security is the first consideration. 

A prudent business man never hazards his principal in efforts to ac- 
cumulate interest ; but if safety and profit can be combined — and in my 
judgment it can be — we should be largely the gainers ; and to that ex- 
tent taxation would be lessened. 

ESTIMATES AND APPROPEIATIONS. 

Another object of importance, by which large sums now extracted 
from the treasury could be saved, is the necessity of adopting some mode 
by which all disbursing officers shall be prevented from the expenditure 
of money, or creation of obligations to pay, for which the city is liable 
without previous appropriation, and a balance unexpended to meet it. 

Many abuses have grown up under the present loose manner of ex- 
pending money. 

It is useless to ask the departments for estimates upon which to base 
the appropriation, if they are disregarded afterwards. So long as the 
Common Council pass resolutions incurring expense, and the depart- 
ments execute them, frequently by using funds appropriated for other 
purposes ; so long will our taxes continue to increase, and the enormous 
annual deficiencies, now so common, continue to startle us at the end of 
the year. 

Means should be taken to stop this altogether ; the head of a depart- 
ment should not be allowed to exceed his own estimates, or the appro- 
priation made ; he and his bonds should be made responsible to tlie 
city, for any liability thus incurred 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. Tih 

Disbursing officers must be confined within the spirit, as well as the 
letter of the charter, which provides that no money shall be drawn from 
the city treasury, except the same shall have been previously appropri 
ated to the purpose for which it is drawn. 

An honest version of this provision makes it applicable to the 
creation of an obligation, to be liquidated out of subsequent appro- 
priation, as it is to that directly referred to. 

SUSPENDED SALES FOR TAXES AND ASSESSMENTS. 

You should also take measures to collect above seven hundred- and 
fifty thousand dollars from the suspended sales for taxes and assessments, 
which can be obtained upon the necessary legislative action empowering 
the Comptroller to proceed. The sum is sufiBciently large to demand 
your immediate attention. 

CONTRACTS. 

The present mode of making contracts is defective. Notwithstanding 
the improvement of late years, in exacting more publicity, in opening 
bids, and in guarding against favoritism in granting contracts, yet it is 
supposed much wrong still exists. There is no doubt that frauds are 
still perpetrated in this branch of the public service. Bids are frequent- 
ly put in in the name of fictitious persons, ranging from a high to a low 
estimate — speculators standing ready to take advantage of any embar- 
f-assment to the department, owing to the non-appearance of the false 
bidder, and to get the contract at the highest possible limits. Again it 
is the practice to put in estimates, not with the expectation of making 
and performing a contract, but to be bought off by some more respon- 
sible party, who has been under-bid. Yarious other ways, the details 
of which are known only to the initiated, are in vogue, by which to de- 
fraud the treasury. If the head of a department acts in collusion with 
these outsiders, it is next to impossible to prevent frauds under 4he 
present system. 

One of the best safeguards may bg found in more general publicity, 
in offering to receive proposals. The expense of advertising is of no 
importance, as compared with the benefit to be derived from it. 

The object of offering public proposals to make contracts, is to invite 
competition and prevent the high prices which monopoly produces ; it is 
defeated if the advertisement is published in obscure papers, unknown to 
and unread by the mass of the people. 

Too much publicity cannot be given to the offering of contracts ; the 



,^'6^ L&g MD public ADMINrSTRAT]:oi^ 07 

expense of general advertising will be more than made up by tli6 
mcreased bidding, and consequent reduced prices. 

CITY RAILROADS AND OMNIBUSSES. 

i also recommend tha taxation of city railroad cars. It appears to- 
flie that these companies should pay at least ohe hundred dollars license 
upon each car, besides keeping the streets and avenues through which 
their tracks are laid in complete repair, and always clean. 

The city government receives no equivalent for the privileges these 
roads possess, which are not very valuable. So far as rail-travel in this 
city can affect them=, the present roads may be said to have a mouop(fly. 
A recent state law secures their grants, and in effect precludes oppo- 
sition or annoyance ; they occupy, to the exclusion of all other citizens, 
the centre of our best business avenues. 

Exclusive privileges are always to be deprecated, but when granted, 
the city should in return receive an ample pecuniary equivalent. A 
revenue of $40,000 could be procured from this source, besides the sav- 
ing of the very heavy cost of repairing and cleaning the thoroughfares. 

The omnibusses should also keep in repair and clean the streets 
through which they pass, or pay into the treasury a sufficient sum for' 
>that purpose. 

These vehicles do more injury to the pavements than all the rest of 
the travel together, and the city in return receives no pecuniary aid 
from them, for that purpose, whatever. The existing lines of omnibusses 
are well secured in their privilege, having, by the law of 1854, made it so 
difficult to procure licenses for competing lines, that they now ettjoy 
almost a monopoly. How far the out-town railroad lines, entei'ing the" 
city, are subject to municipal regulations, I am not at this time enabled 
to advise ; my opinion however is, that there is nothing in their charters 
entitling them to exception from any tax which you may deem a fair 
equivalent for the right of way they now possess. 

If, upon consultation wilh the Counsel of the Corporation, there be 
no legal obstacle, I make tlie same ^recommendation as to a car tax, and 
the cleaning and repairs of the avenues and streets through which they 
pa2s, as made with reference to the city railroads. 

EMIGRANTS. 

It is well known that for many years extoi-tions and oppressions of 
the most inhuman character have been practised upon the emigrants^ 
coming to this port. i 



HON. FEKNANDO WOOD. "31 

There appears to be a series of organized classes of persons, all con- 
nected, and acting from a common impulse of plunder, who take, and 
&eep possession of their victims as long as a sixpence is left to rob them 
of. These vampii-es form a cordon, stretching from Sandy Hook to the 
lakes — and to the far West 

They act in concert, with a well-formed understanding, and spend 
large sums to protect themselves from detection and punishment. Com- 
mon humanity, as well as the honor and prosperity of this city and state, 
call for more stringent laws and regulations governing our whole emigrant 
system. I regret that this, already too lengthy communication, prevents 
more extended comments upon this branch of the subject, consistent 
with others demanding attention. , 

Much inconvenience to the shipping interest is caused by the present 
mode of landing emigrant passengers. 

As now conducted it is a serious evil, not only to the passengers, but 
•also to the vessels from which they land, and to other vessels with which 
they materially interfere. This is also an evil calling for some action 
at your hands — as now conducted it is productive, of great hardship to 
the emigrant and injury to others. 

Now a ship arrives from sea with her decks crowded with hundreds 
of men, women and children, and hauls outside and alongside another 
vessel at her berth, discharging or taking in cargo, which may be com- 
.posed of fine goods in valuable packages. 

As soon as the emigrant ship nears the wliarf, she is boarded by an 
,army of runners, cartmen and others, having business with, and too 
•often design upon her passengers, and the .passengers are dragged over 
the vessel discharging, to the shore ; her cargo, which may be on deck, 
•or upon the dock, is not only materially injured, the packages soiled, 
broken or stolen, but an embargo is laid upon all work for the time 
being. Thus a serious injury is inflicted. This evil has grown to be 
intolerable. The remedy is very simple. One or two piers should be 
set aside, away from the pressure of shipping, and exclusively devoted 
to the landing of emigrant passengers. They should be inclosed, and 
only persons properly clothed with authority, and of good character, be 
.permitted within the inclosure. The police could be stationed there to 
protect and direct the emigrants, and, as the boarding-houses and for- 
warding officers would, of course, locate in the vicinity, the emigrants 
would be benefited, as well as the present injury to other shipping entirely 
^removed. These suggestions are important, and I hope will be acted on. 



38 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

It has long been the practice of many governments on the contment 
of Europe, to get rid of convicts and paupers by sending them to this 
country, and most generally to this port. The increase of crime here, 
can be traced to this cause rather than to a defect in the criminal laws, 
or their administration. An examination of the criminal and pauper 
records, shows conclusively, that it is but a small proportion of these 
unfortunates who are natives of this country. One of the very heaviest 
burdens we bear is the support of these people, even when consider- 
ing the direct cost ; but when estimating the evil influences upon 
society, and the contaminating effect upon all who come within the 
range of their depraved minds, it becomes a matter exceedingly serious, 
and demanding immediate and complete eradication. I know no subject 
of more importance ; certainly we have the power to protect this city 
against the' landing of so vile an addition to our population ; the health, 
as well as the life and property of the people for whom you legislate, 
requires some action at your hands. I am confident the general gov- 
ernment win listen to any representations from you, relating to it, and 
interpose its national authority in our behalf. On the 2d instant I maife 
this grievance the subject of an oSicial communication to the President 
of the United States, a copy of which is annexed, marked A. 

The constantly increasing expenses of the Alms-house Department, 
and the want of control of the Corporation over them, should not escape 
your notice. I am satisfied that, whatever may be thougiit as to the 
exercise of proper economy upon the part of the Governors of the Alms- 
house, there can be no doubt that one cause of the present large outlay 
required, is the maintenance of persons who should be a charge upon 
the fund under the exclusive control of the Emigrant Commissioners. 
It is evident, that the object in creating this Board was to have full 
control over the w^hole subject, and to bear the entire costs of the sup- 
port of these unfortunate people — at least, until they have; been five 
years in this country. In practice, this appears not to be its operation. 
At least a portion of the inmates of the institutions under the control 
of the Alms-house Gk)vernors, who are supported by the city, are properly 
chargeable to the Emigrant Commission. In my opinion the whole 
subject requires revision. An entire alteration of the present system is 
absolutely demanded. As it is now, the tax payers of this city have not 
only to support the poor of the city, and a portion of that belonging to 
the surrounding country, which find their way here, but also a very 
large portion of the paupers of every nation in Europe. 



HON. FERXANDO WOOD, 39 

The absolute cost of supporting our own poor would be a trifle too 
small to be worthy of comment ; but when required to perform the duty 
. for so many other communities, its burden has become of too great a 
magnitude to be submitted to longer. The Board of Emigrant Com- 
missioners was created in 1847, to protect and provide for the emigrants 
arriving at this port ; a fund is provided for this purpose. It is a state 
institution,' mostly under the control of officers appointed by the Gover- 
nor and Senate, and in all respects independent of our municipal action. 
Its existence is a recognition of the position that the persons called emi- 
grants should, in no respect, be a tax upon this country. As now con- 
ducted, it is a grievous tax. We support the emigrant criminal sentenced 
to Blackwell's Island, and other city penal institutions. A large number 
of policemen are detailed especially for their protection, for which our 
treasmy pays. The Mayor's office and no inconsiderable portion of his 
time are occupied in hearing and determining cases involving the rights 
and property of emigrants, to say nothing of that branch of his duties 
relating to the proper licensing and regulating of emigrant boarding- 
houses and runners. In my opinion the city should be relieved altogether 
from these duties and expenses. So far as the state assumes to take 
charge of these people, she should carry ont the work entire ; we should 
be relieved from it. 

POLICE. 

This department of the city government is placed more directly under 
the personal supervision of the Mayor than others ; and, in assuming its 
direction, with the restricted power as to appointment and removal, 
which, after all, constitute the great elements of control, I feel much 
responsibility and concern ; its present condition and discipline is sus- 
ceptible of improvement. 

There is an apparent want of energy and efficiency, which must arise 
from either defect in the system or want of nerve and vigilance in those 
who direct it. It shall be my aim to remedy these omissions. I shall 
require the strictest accountability from the men, and also from the sev- 
eral officers — who shall, in all cases, be made responsible for the conduct 
of the subordinates under their command. 

It was thought that making the police hold office during good be- 
havior, would remove it entirely from political influences. It may 
have had such an effect, to a degree ; but whilst the power to appoint, 
suspend and remove is political and elective, it will be expecting too 



40 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

much of liumau nature to suppose that political influence can be exclud- 
ed altogether. 

A perfect police system must be founded upon freedom from all influ- 
ences except those produced by merit, arising from a faithful and effi- 
cient discharge of duty. 

When the generals of an army are periodically subjected to change, 
and in some measure by the votes and influences of the army itself, it 
will be almost impossible to remove the partisan elements which, at every 
election, are necessarily aroused into activity. 

The whole Police Board was elected at the late election, two of the 
late board (the Recorder and City Judge) being candidates for re-elec- 
tion ; and policemen would have been more or less than man, if they could 
have remained indifferent spectators of the result. 

I am confident the judiciary is not the proper authority for determin- 
ing police matters ; nor are its members qualified, either by habits of 
life or train of reflection, to make good Commissioners. The bench and 
the service would each be benefited by a separation. My colleagues ou 
the present Police Boaird fully concur in these opinions. 

It shall be my aim to impress all connected with the police, that 
official merit, and not partisan influence, is what is expected of them ; 
and, so far as my power extends, it shall be exercised for the entire eradi- 
cation of politics from the department. 

On the first of January instant, I issued new orders, a copy of which 
is annexed [marked B] , and to which I call your attention as develop- 
ing the principles upon which I shall administer the department. In 
connection with this subject, it may be proper for me to add, that there 
has been opened in the Mayor's office, under my direction, a book for 
recording complaints against the police,, as well as for violations of the 
ordinances and laws, where charges will be entertained, and acted upon 
by me in person. 

The police are required for several purposes other than the protection 
of the public interests of the city, for which it should not be obliged to 
pay. 

There is one squad of the reserve corps detailed for the duty of 
boarding vessels from foreign ports, with emigrant passengers, and other 
service rendered, before referred to, which should be paid from the fund 
of the Emigrant Commissioners. Many other policemen are stationed 
at the several railroad depots and ferries, and at places of public amuse- 
ment, by request of the proprietors, and for the protection of their pri- 
vate interests, and not for public purposes. This expense should be 



HON. FERNANDO WOCD. 41 

borue by tbe parties requiring their services. In London, where the 
police system is said to be better than our own, such is the practice ; 
and the General Government has adopted the same course with reference 
to the salaries of its custom-house officers, when acting for private con- 
venience or safety. About thirty thousand dollars would be thus saved. 

The expense of the police force has attracted attention, and it has 
been properly suggested that it can be used for many public purposes 
for which the city now pays heavily. 

In considering the cost of the police, it should not be forgotten that 
it is almost entirely made up of salaries. This department disburses 
little money for any other purpose. It makes no contracts and procures (^ 
no supplies*; and is confined to the disbursements of such sums, for 
compensation to the officers and men, as has been fixed by the Common 
Council. Be it more or less, no officer connected with it is in any way 
responsible. It is true, that much duty, now performed by subordinates 
under other departments, can be performed by the police, without im- 
pairing its efficiency. My direction has already been given to the 
patrolmen to act as street inspectors, and to report, through their officers, 
to me every instance when the contractor fails to clean the streets within 
his district. They have also been required to report all excavations 
made under the sidewalks or streets, by builders or others — the object of 
which is to supply information to the Commissioner of Streets, by which 
he can collect the legal claii!is of the city for appropriating to private 
use any portion of the streets. 

If my recommendation of consolidating all business appertaining to 
streets into one department, is carried out, many collateral branches can 
be put under the Police Department, without any detriment to it what- 
ever. 

There is no question that the several, duties of policemen are entirely 
too light, in view of the necessity of materially lessening the number of 
public officers. 

It is for you to legislate upon this recommendation, and you will find 
me ready to enforce its practical operation. 

SPRING CHARTER ELECTION. 

I cannot omit expressing my conviction that much benefit could be 
derived to the city, by separating the election for charter officers from 
that for state or national officers. 

As now conducted, our local interests are almost entirely lost sight of 
in the conflict on state or national issues. As the lesser is always ab- 
sorbed by the greater, so is the apparently smaller affairs of our city 



42 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTL'ATION OF 

governroent lost sight of in the contest on candidates for higher offices. 
The magnitude of our municipal interests calls for the closest scrutiny 
into the qualifications of persons to take charge of them ; no other con- 
siderations than those connected directly with local questions should be 
included in the canvass for city rulers. The evils of frequent elections 
are of little importance, as compared with the danger of the selection of 
improper men. In the struggle for a governor or a president, persons 
entirely disqualified will sometimes slide unobserved into a local place of 
trust and power. 

The election law, which places the candidates for county officers on 
the same ballot with candidates for state officers, increases the evil. At 
the late election there were twelve names on the same ballot ; in the 
haste and excitement of election day, it is very difficult for even the most 
intelligent voter to select the. names for whom he desires to vote, when 
found upon the same ticket ; but where the duty is imposed upon the 
illiterate or ignorant, it is seldom exercised, especially if there be a cun- 
ningly-devised ballot, not permitting erasure or substitution. 

CENTRAL PARK. 

The Commissioners appointed to open the Central Park, are progress- 
ing with the work. Since the organization of the Board, it has collected 
and examined evidence of title to the lands to be taken for the park ; in 
causing the necessary surveys, maps of block§ and profiles of grades to 
be made in personal view of the lands to be taken, and in procuring such 
information in regard thereto, as may serve to guide to a just valuation 
of the same ; also in determining the area of assessment for special 
benefit, and procuring maps of the same, and in procuring evidence of 
the value of the improvements on the land to be taken ; and are now 
engaged in the valuation of the lands themselves. It will be remember- 
ed that this park is to be bounded south by Fifty-ninth street, north by 
One hundred and sixth street, east by the Fifth avenue, and west by the 
Eighth avenue ; and will comprehend an area of seven hundred and 
seventy-six acres, say, 776 

From which deduct State Arsenal, 14 

Croton Eeservoir, 38 

Proposed " 112 

Streets and Avenues, . . . 190 
Belonging to the city, , . . 34-388 

Leaving to^be paid for — acres 388 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. ' 43 

Which, by estimating at sixteen lots per acre, makes six thousand 
two hundred and eight lots to be paid for by the city, and by assess- 
ments upon contiguous property. The important question of the 
valuation of these lots has not as yet been positively fixed by the com- 
missioners. The subject is now before them, and I advise all who are 
interested to appear at their office. Another question of much public 
interest, in connection with this matter, is the territorial limit to which 
the commissioners shall extend their assessments upon property of in- 
dividuals, and what proportion of the whole cost shall be made a tax 
upon the city. 

These questions are entirely under the control of the commissioners. 
I am informed, unofficially, that the disposition of the Board is to 
extend the area of assessment three blocks east and west, and a greater 
distance north and south ; and to make two thirds of the whole cost 
payable by the city. If this be the determination, it can be easily ascer- 
tained about what sum the park will cost. Estimating the average value 
of the land at five hundred dollars per lot — a liberal estimate — the 
whole cost would be three millions one hundred and four thousand dol- 
lars ; deduct one third to be paid by individuals whose property is sup- 
posed to be benefited, it will leave two mllions sixty-nine thousand dol- 
lars to be paid for by the city — a smaller sum than was anticipated at 
the time of passing the act. The commissioners expect to close their 
duties early in the ensuing summer. There can be no doubt as to the ue- 
cefeity of some such park, conveniently located on this island. In my 
opinion, future generations, who are to pay this expense, would have 
good reasons for reflecting upon the present generation, if we permitted 
the entire island to be taken possession of by the population, without 
some spot like this, devoted to rural beauty, healthful recreation, and 
pure atmosphere. 

NEW PUBLIC BUILDINGS. 

It is to be regretted that we are still without sonfe definite action in 
this matter. It is a year since the old Alms-hiOnse buildings, which for 
several years were used for the purposes of a court-house, were destroy- 
ed by fire, and no conclusion has yet been arrived at with reference to 
the erection of a substitute. This should be one of the first measures to 
receive attention. 

The present City Hall and its appendages are insufficient. The accu- 
mulation of public business of all kinds has rendered it imperative upon 
this city, regardless of expense,. to make provision for it without delay. 



44 'i LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Ov 

Many plans for a new City Hall have been proposed, rone of which 
have been examined by me, and of which I am not competent to judge, 
had they been. I will suggest, however, that, inasmuch as the day can- 
not be far distant when that portion of the city lying south of Grand 
street will entu^ely be occupied by wholesale business, to the exclusion of 
resident population, and that, as a City Hall, to contain the courts and 
offices for the transaction of municipal business should be in the vicinity 
of the numerical centre of population — whether it is politic to expend 
large sums of money in permanent improvements in the Park, as now 
located. We have no guarantee that the next generation may not de- 
mand their removal to a more convenient position. There can be no 
doubt that public offices, to which all classes, without distinction, are 
drawn, should be equally accessible to the whole population. 

Xor can I recommend the adoption of a proposition recently made in 
the Common Council, by which the legislature is to appoint commission- 
ers to superintend the erection of a new City Hall. The folly of trans- 
ferring further legislation for this city to Albany, except to get a char- 
ter that will return to it a form of government commensurate to its 
wants, is so apparent, that I hope it will not be indulged in again. One 
legislative act after another has been adopted at Albany, until we are 
almost without any government whatever. There is now in preparation 
a proposition for the legislature to appoint six commissioners, w^ith 
po^r to name every officer under the City Government, which, if it be- 
comes a law, will give the extinguishing blow to what little power is left 
.to the people of this city over their own municipal affairs. 

PUBLIC SCHOOL EXPENSES. 

Complaints are made of the largely increasing expenses for public 
school education, and the want of power of the city government over 
the disbursements of the Board of Education. 

My attention has been called to this subject, and though there is, no 
doubt, room for improvement as it regards the economy evinced in the 
erection and fitting up of school-houses, yet the benefits derived from 
the system are of too great a magnitude to be jeoparded by illiberality 
in defraying its cost. 

I have no doubt that it is the general approval of our public schools, 
as now conducted, that induces the people to submit to the present 
onerous taxation. The o-reat improvements in the mode of culture 
adopted, and the evident w.iva atage of the public schools over the private 



1 

SON. i'ERNANDO WOOD* 45 

schools of this city, have made them the general academies of tuition for 
the children of nearly the whole population. The cost to us in taxation 
is not one-fifth the usual expense for an ordinary pay school education. 
Indeed there are few real estate owners, with families, who cannot get 
their whole tax returned by sending their children to the public school, 
tvith the advantage of a better and more thorough education, and a dis- 
cipline and moral training far more perfect than our fashionable " acade- 
mies for young gentlemen" can pretend to. 

Therefore, while discountenancing exti'avagance in any public depart- 
ment, yet having full confidence in the gentlemen who have charge of 
the public education of this city, and deeply appreciating the system, I 
cannot recommend any step towards interfering with the management of 
it, so long as it continues to improve the efficiency and public benefit^ 
and holds, as it does now, the position of our brightest ornament, with 
the prospect of being the fruitful source from whence we are to derive 
yet higher honor and more brilliant results. 

REVISION" OF THE ORDIXANCES. 

I cannot too earnestly impress upon you the necessity of a revision 
and a collecting of the ordinances into one or more volumes, and a 
codification of the laws applicable to this city. It would be almost 
incredible to a stranger to be told that there is no collection of the laws 
by which this city is governed. ♦ 

A collection of ordinances has not been published since 1845, and of 
th^but few copies rema,in ; since 184.5 material amendments have been 
mork to the charter j and numerous resolutions and ordinances have been 
adopted, which are now to . be found only by a voyage of discovery 
in the office of the Clerk of the^board of Aldermen, with the chance 
being very much against success, even with the guide of the accom- 
modating offi(^ers who have charge of that office. The memory of per- 
sons who have for many years been connected with the Common 
Council is the only index in existence. 

The mere statement of the fact, will, I am confident, procure action. 

THE DOCKS. 

The dock accommodations for the shipping of the city, is another 
subject which should receive notice. You need not be informed that at 
present they are totally inadequate, both in extent and quality, 'j'hcre 
is no commercial city in the world, of the magnitude of New York, so 



I 

46 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION' OE* 

deficieut ; substantial stone or iron docks and piers should be constract* 
ed, which would not only be durable, but in the result far more eco- 
nomical than those now in use. 

A funded debt could be created for the payment of the cost, leaving 
to posterity, who are to be the recipients of the advantages derived 
from the construction, the liquidation of the obligation. The present, as 
well as the future accomodations for the shipping, which constitute so 
great an element in our prosperity, demand some action at your hands 
on this subject. 

NON-PAYilEKT OF CONTRACTORS AND OTHERS. 

Much distress has recently been caused by persons having demands 
against the city, owing to the non-payment of salaries, and for supplies 
furnished and contracts p^erformed. Great injury has resulted to many 
individuals of small means from this cause. At any time, disappoint- 
ments of this kind bear oppressively, but at a period of great monetary 
stringency, like the present, it is a hardship exceediugiy onerous and 
should not agaiu -occur. Besides the wrong done to the party having 
a just claim, in omitting 'to meet the demand, the injury to the treasury 
is not insignificant. We need not be told that a poor paymaster has to 
pay higher prices than he who meets his engagements promptly. 

It is not unreasonable to expect that the city creditors will provide 
thcijpelves against the loss arising from the difficulty in getting their 
dues, by chargir.g sufficiently to cover the loss arising from these delays. 
Without recommontling any relaxation in adherence to the laws and or^ 
finances governing the disbursement of money, I cannot omit to ex^ss 
the hope that you will take immediate means to prevent a recurrence of 
so great an evil to the creditors of the city, and preserve its faith and 
credit from dishonor. 

RELIEF TO BROADWAY. 

Another relief to the citizens could be found in the adoption of some 
mode to prevent the large colkction of omnibuses in Broadway below 
the Park. In my opinion this evil should not be longer permitted. 

If the stages, now permitted to go to the South Ferry, were limited to 
one half the present number, the vrhole difficulty would be remedied. The 
many lines entering Broadway below the Park, not only obstruct the 
passage of each other, but , frequently cutoff entirely the passage of 
smaller vehicles. Foot passengers are excluded almost entirely from the 
cross-walks. 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 41 

This evil is increasing, though the police, at an expense to the city, is 
kept on duty to prevent disorder, and to aid passengers in crossing. 

The present laws deprive the Mayor of power over the omnibuses, so 
far as controlling their routes or their number, but I recorftmend that 
an ordinance be passed preventing any one line sending more than one 
stage in ten minutes, below the Park, in Broadway. The little incon- 
venience which this res'triction would cause to persons having business 
below the Park would be of no consideration compared to the present 
difficulties. 

I also recommend that the Russ pavement in Broadway be grooved. 
Though this beautiful and durable pavement is an ornament as well as 
advantage to the city, yet its smoothness renders it dangerous to horses. 
Its solidity retains moisture, which, when freezing, presents a surface of 
ice, rendering its use extremely dangerous. 

CATTLE DRIVING. 

The practice of driving cattle through the streets of the city is 
another evil calling for prompt action. It is an abuse w^hich our* citizens 
have submitted to too long. In my opinion this Common Council will 
deserve the severest censure, if, like its predecessors, it timidly skulks 
from its duty in ridding us of this dangerous nuisance^ Not only is the 
health of the w^hole population jeoparded by the unwdiolesome odors 
arising from the collection of these animals, but it not unfrequently 
occurs that life, limb, and property are destroyed by it. 

DIRTY STREETS. 

In April, 1854, contracts were entered into for the cleaning of streets 
and avenues of the city. The specifications of these contracts are 
stringent, and there would be no cause of complaint if the contractors 
performed them. They provide that every thoroughfare shall be thor- 
oughly and properly cleaned and swept, and all the dirt, manure, ashes, 
garbage, rubbish and sweeping, of every kind, removed twice a week ; 
and in Broadway and the leading avenues, t^ree times a week. If these 
conditions were complied with, there could be no grounds of complaint. 
I regret to say they have not been complied with, and though it is sta- 
ted that, in consequence of the low rates at which the contracts are 
taken, compliance is impossible without heavy loss, yet, in my opinion, 
there is no other resource than to demand a rigid fulfillment. If con- 
tracts are to be thrown up, or only half performed, at the will of con- 
tractors, because not profitable, the bargain is all on one side. Under 



48 Life aicb public aDMinistratio>^ of 

this ruling, the city is to sufiPer in any event. So far as the law gives 
me power, I shall require a strict compliance with the existing contracts 
to clean the streets ; and that I may know which of the contractors are 
derelict, thfe police have been ordered to make the condition of the 
streets, in their several beats, the subject of observation, and to report 
every day the result. 

I am not prepared to make any recommendations with reference to 
the Executive Departments not alluded to herein. I shall communicate 
to you, from time to time, such matters relating to them as call for your 

action. 

FERNANDO WOOD. 

Mayor Wood proposes to increase the revenue by obtaining 
from the Legislature the power of taxing the personal property in 
the city, belonging to non-residents : by requiring all fees to be 
paid into the city treasury : by exacting interest — as is done by 
the State — upon tha deposits of the. Treasurer in the banks. 
Some officers of the city are known to receive such interest for thei? 
own use. About $150,000 can be realized by collections from the 
suspended sales of property for taxes and assessments, A doul^tful 
expedient, in our*vieAV, is his proposal to tax omnibuses and rail- 
road-cars, because it is so difficult to calculate the injurious effect 
of burdens upon locomotion and transportation. In fact, no taxa- 
tion is so certain to be both equitable and safe as that which is 
laid directly upon property. All obstructions of lawful and pro- 
ductive industry are detrime"ntal. He thinks the city is subjected 
to very large expenses on account of emigrants, which the State 
ought to pay through its Board of Emigration. 

He points out "the necessity of adopting some mode by which 
all disbursing officers shall be prevented ft'om the expenditure of 
money, or cnation of oUigatinns to pay, for which this city is liable, 
without previous appropriation.*' Numerous abuses have arisen 
here. " It is useless to ask the departments for estimates on which 
to base the appropriation, if they are di^^regarded afterwards. So 
long as the Common Council pass resolutions incurring expense — 
and the departments execute them frequently by using funds ap- 
propriated for other purposes — so long .will our taxes continue to 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD, 49 

increase, and the erroneous annual deficiencies, now so common, 
continue to startle ns from year to year." Doubtless, the master- 
evil of the whole system is indistinctly alluded to here — the con- 
tinued interference of the Boards and their committees with the 
executive business of the city. We shall speak of this again. 

The Mayor then treats of the city contracts, emigrants, the 
police, elections in the spring, the Central Park, new City Hall, pub- 
lic school expenses, revision and codification of the city ordinances, 
the docks, non-payment of contractors, relief to Broadway, cattle- 
driving, and dirty streets. 

We may say of these messages that they present comprehensive 
and statesmanlike views, are based upon sound principles, and 
evince the most profound and anxious thought, and an honest 
desire to promote the welfare of the city, and a firm purpose on 
the part of the Mayor of doing his own duty, at whatever cost to 
himself, and whoever else may do or neglect theirs. So far as 
these suggestions pertain to the province of the Common Council, 
if they were addressed to a body of honorable, upright, and patriotic 
men, we should expect vast benefits from seeing them put in 
practice. Whether any such expectations will be realized from 
the action of the present Boards, we shall be better able to tell a 
few months hence. But we are compelled to confess that their 
progress and method in the public business thus far, do not inspire 
us with very sanguine hopes in that quarter. Let us wait for still 
the best. 

We do, indeed, find that the Mayor has so far secm'cd the co- 
operation of the Board of Aldermen, that they have passed an 
order authorizing him to examine the books and accounts of any 
yerson holding office, under the municipal government, v/henever, in 
his judgment, the public interests require such examination. His 
energetic and successful movements have also arrested the atten- 
tion of the Legislature at Albany, which teems with projects of 
alterations, and amendments, and substitutes, destmed to aid or to 
stop him, to cripple or to strengthen his efforts, to neutralize or to 
perpetuate the benefits he is bringmg upon the community. But 
in the city itself, we fear that the success of his endeavors is likely 

4 



50 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

to be confined almost entirely to one department — that of police. 
The amendments in the other branches of the municipal adminis- 
tration appear to be, for the most part, transient, doubtful, or illu- 
sory. The reason is plain : those departments are independent 
of the -Mayor's control. He neither appoints, nor has power to 
remove, the incumbents of any one of the " nine Executive Depart- 
ments, having undefined, doubtful, and conflicting powers, with 
heads elected by the people ; each assuming to be sovereign and 
independent of the others, of the Mayor, or of any other author- 
ity." By securing, as we presume he has done, the cordial co-op- 
eration of the City Judge and the Recorder, v/ho, together with 
himself, constitute the appointing power and adjudicating tribunal 
of the police, he will be able to maintain a degree of control over 
that one branch. On the others he may safely experiment, to 
learn the degree of force there may be in ''moral suasion" to stem 
the tide of misgoverument and corruption. But we do not antici- 
pate that he will produce a concert of action of the difterent 
departments which manage the business of the streets, or bring 
about so wonderful an event as to have the streets actually swept 
at stated intervals, and swept clean, or settle the conflicts of juris- 
diction between the Ten Governors of the Aims-House and the 
Common Council, or interpose even a shght check upon the waste- 
ful and irresponsible expenditures of those bodies respectively. 
The Board of Governors ecently invited the Legislature to visit 
in a body the several public institutions of the city, and appro- 
priated sundry thousands of dollars of the funds placed at 
their disposal for the poor, to be expended in costly entertain- 
ments on the occasion, with ample store of wines and liquors, 
which produced disgraceful intoxication to a melancholy extent 
among their guests. It is a great thing to have our city gov- 
erned, even to the extent in which Mayor Wood governs, and 
will govern it, through the pohce that he has under his control ; 
and for the time — we hope a long tune — that he may continue to 
adorn the office he holds. But "New York governed" is one 
thing — a municipal government for IS^ew York is quite another 
thing, and is still a desideratum to be supplied. We want a 



HON. , t'ERNANDO WOOO, ^l 

|)?oper frame of government that will be in force when Mr, Wood 
is no longer Mayor. We should want it for the objects which 
he cannot reach, were his mayoralty immortal, as its fame is sure 
to be. 



FOM OF MUNICIPAL GOVER^IIENT. 
What is a proper frame of government for the city of j^ew 
York ? We cordially approve and earnestly recommend most of the 
general views presented by the Mayor in his Inaugural Message. 
^he absurdities of the present nine-headed machine cannot be 
made more striking by any additional remarks of ours, ^o society 
or body of men could ever do business ar be guided or governed 
under such an incongruous organization. Still less can a great city 
be made safe, or healthy, or peaceful, with its government divided 
into nine independent departments, all irresponsible and all espe- 
cially resolved not to yield one to another. We cannot attach as 
much importance as Mr. Wood and many others have done, to the 
proposal of separating our municipal elections from those of the 
State and the Nation, by appointing them to be held in the spring. 
It looks very well in theory, to separate our city government from 
the dictation of great parties, and from the turmoil and confusion 
of a presidential campaign. But the idea is a fallacious one, and 
cannot be realized in practice. Twenty years ago or more, we had 
the charter altered so as to hold om* city elections in the spring ; 
and the friends of good order flattered themselves with the hope of 
a peaceful and harmonious effort to elect city officers without distinc- 
tion of party, for their worth and fidelity, and their ability to pro- 
mote the public good. But, shortly before the election, there 
arose a great national question at Washington, (that of the re- 
charter of the Bank of the United States,) on which it was said 
to be of paramount importance that the commercial metropolis of 
the country should be heard. And so the two great parties nomi- 
nated their several tickets with almost exclusive reference to their 
ability to command votes of certain classes for their party ; and, 
in the issue, many of the most meritorious candidates were ruled 
out, and those who were elected came into office under a pressure 



52 tlFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATIOlN Oi* 

of partisan obligation, so that nothing at all was gamed to the eit jr 
by the spring election, and by general consent it was soon assimi-* 
lated to the general election. 

In this country, it is impossible to separate public affairs from 
politics. The foundation-principle of our institutions is self-govern- 
ment by the people • and that makes up our polities. In this 
country government is politics ; and the attempt to separate them 
will not only fail, but will always lead to evils. We must take it 
as it is, and not war against the inevitable. The people will have 
politics, and will mingle all their public business with politics ; and 
there is no remedy but to enlighten the people and give them good 
politics. The whole body is one, and it is absurd to think of 
making one of its members healthy while the whole head is sick 
and the heart faint. The evils which we suffer from wicked politics 
is the penalty we pay for the folly and selfishness and neglect of 
duty by which we allowed politics to be wicked. And if we may 
only have a proper frame of government for the city, by which the 
will of the people can be faithfully carried out for the public good 
in regard to local interests, it will be a powerful aid toward correct- 
ing whatever abuses exist in regard to the affairs of the State and 
^Nation. Yet, if others deem it important to make another experi- 
ment of holding our city elections in the spring, we shall not object 
strenuously ; but rather hope that the benefits may be realized, 
which are so well set forth in the Mayor's letter to Mr. Blatch- 
ford. We will quote a paragraph for future reference : 

" The conclusion is inevitable, that other interests than our own influ- 
ence if not control the selection of our own rulers when elected at the 
general election. If, under these circumstances, honest and capable men 
hM];>pen to be designated for us, we are indebted for it more to accident, 
or the interposition of Divine Providence in our favor, than to the fore- 
thought and discriminating action of the voters themselves. No ; let 
there be a separation, irrevocable and entire ; let there be but one issue^ 
when local officers are to be chosen, and that referring to the welfare 
and prosperity of New York, If, differing upon national or State 
questions, we can unite without embarrassment or obstruction upon men- 
fitted for charter offices, without reference to their party affinities op 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 53 

associations, the considerations will be not wbethev they arc in favor of 
or against any outside issues involving matters of national import, but 
whether in favor of an economical government for this city, and opposed 
to vices, immoralities, corruptions, and bad government." 

The two main points to reform, which we regard as absolutely 
Indispensable, are expressed by the phrase Unity and Responsi- 
bility. Our nine independent executive governments must be 
brought into one, and that one made fully responsible to the peo- 
ple. Unless this is done, nothing v/ill be gained by change ; and 
it would be better that the legislature should leave the charter 
unaltered, and let us get along as we can under the goveriiment 
of Mayor Wood for the present, until further experience, study, 
comparison of views, and public discussion shall have prepared the 
way for a real reform, based upon sound principles, and calculated 
for permanence by its conformity to the genius of our American 
mstitutions. 

To bring our executive government to a proper unity, there 
^ust be one head, which must be the source of power to all sub- 
)rdinates, and have the control of all. In order to this, the Mayor 
should have the appointment of all the other executive officers of 
the city, subject to the confirmation of the Board of Aldermen in 
regard to the heads of bureau, and the absolute power of removal 
of them all. A sufficient responsibility is secured by restoring an- 
nual elections, so that, after wielding this }X)wer two years, the 
Mayor would return to the ranks of of his fellow-citizens, either to 
receive their approval by re-election, or to come himself under the 
government to which he had given character. And, in connection 
with this, there must be a complete severance of the Common 
Council fi'om the executive administration. Neither Board, nor 
both together, nor any committee of either, should ha\'e any execu- 
tive function, or any power to interfere, to help or hinder, direct or 
control, command or forbid, in regard to any executive business. 
Nothmg sliort of this will put a period to the pernicious struggles 
and jealousies of the Common Council against the Mayor. Let 
the Common Council pass ordinances for the city, and raise money 



54 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

by taxation, and make specific appropriations for all necessary pur- 
poses, and impeach delinquent officers ; and let the Mayor see that 
the laws are executed and the money properly applied, and have 
the power to compel all subordinate officers to do their duty, or to 
discharge them ; and we shall then know exactly where to look for 
whatever is required to be done, and where to lay the blame of 
every failure. Then Xew York will have a government. 

It will be seen tliat this differs in some essential points from the 
" Amended Charter of 1830," to which Mr. Wood's inaugural refers 
as the model government. That charter did not give the Mayor 
the requisite powders of appointment and removal, and did not 
withdraw from the Common Council and the Board of Aldermen 
and Assistants then' power of intermeddling with executive duties. 
It was itself the first step in the wrong direction ; and the subse- 
quent alterations have been progressive stages in the false system 
of policy which was then begun, of attempting to govern a city 
by checks and balances, and distribution of powers, when the 
great necessity is for concentration of power, so as to secure unity, 
responsibility^ and an energy which is absolutely resistless and cer- 
tain to do whatever it attempts. The plan we have proposed will 
be at once effective and safe ; for the city will never intrust such 
powers to any man who is not known to possess both the ability and 
integrity to exercise them for the public good. In choosing a man 
to be a cypher or a sinecure, they might be less watchful of. his 
quality ; but in choosing a Mayor to exercise such functions as these, 
it is absurd to suppose they would be imposed upon by any system 
of political chicanery to intrust the power to unworthy hands. 

This change would simplify the government of the city, and would 
thus do more than all the contrivances of the last twenty-five years 
have been able to do to destroy the opportunity and the tempta- 
tion for fraud and plunder. Every citizen could then understand 
the machmery and would feel his own individual power. The 
remedy for negligence and abuses would be obvious, easy, and 
certain. Complaints of grievances would be sure to go to the 
power which can redress them. By having one controlling head, 
the perpetual disagreements of the different bureaus would be ter- 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 55 

miaated, and each would become the helper of the other, because 
each would then be a part of the one administration. It could no 
longer be said, as Mayor Wood has said in his inaugural, that 
" we are admmistering the government by portions of six different 
charters, which create nine executive departments, having undefined, 
doubtful, and conflicting powers, with heads elected by the people, 
each assuming to be sovereign and independent of the others, of 
the Mayor, or of any other authority.'' Can the idea be formed 
of a more absurd system of government? Of course, "this irre- 
sponsibility has been productive of carelessness m expenditure and 
negligence in the execution of ordinances" — the two great evils 
under which we suffer. 

The plan we propose would remedy just these evils, and that 
is precisely what we need. The Mayor, having thus the control 
of the several executive departments, would necessarily select for 
these of&ces men in whom he himself could place confidence, both 
as to their intelligence and energy, and he would thus surround 
himself with a number of capable and faithful men, on whose advice 
and co-operation he could safely lean, as a virtual cabmet council, 
and thus there would be a perfect co-operation in executing the 
laws and preserving the general interests of the city. 

We are satisfied, tco, that this plan will be most acceptable to 
the people, if it can only be presented to them as it is. The plan 
itself confides in the people as to their capacity for self-government. 
It gives them the power of selecting their own magistrates, and of 
watching them most perfectly, and of calling them to account most 
speedily. All other schemes remove power from the people, and 
tie up the hands of the people from controlling the administration 
of their affairs, and thus preclude them from holding their agents 
to a direct and effective accountability. 

The people only want a good government. As the Mayor has 
well expressed it, " They ask public order, the suppression of crime 
and vice, clean streets, the removal of nuisances, and abolition of 
abuses, a restriction of taxation to the absolute wants of an eco- 
nomically administered government, and a prompt execution of the 
laws and ordinances." What apology can be given by the Legis- 



56 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

lature or the Common Council for refasing- to grant these reasonar 
ble demands ? They ask this, and for this they are perfectly 
wiUing to pay, let the cost be what it will. They paid five mil- 
lions of dollars last year as the expense of a government which did 
not bring them one of these benefits. They expect to pay six 
millions this year and every year, if they can have money's worth 
for their dollars — a good government, clean streets, quiet nights, 
a healthy atmosphere, the assurance of justice, a consciousness of 
the reign of law. 

Unless these changes are made, and year by year until they are 
made, the expenses of the city government will continue to increase, 
and its effectiveness to diminish. The taxes for 1856 will proba- 
bly be seven millions. The love of public plunder is not satiated 
by success, but grows by what it feeds on. The ingenuity of official 
fraud and peculation is not exhausted, but can devise new tricks, 
if legislative tinkering should succeed in stopping the rat-holes 
already known and .open. We protest against all further tinkering 
of the charter by such hands as have handled it since 1830. We 
have tried suflBciently all the experiments of political science and 
political quackery, and none of them have afforded relief. Ever 
since the amended charter of 1830, we have been altering and 
amending, and matters have all the while grown worse. Relief 
has been sought in the wrong direction, by the diffusion rather 
than the concentration of power, by adding more control where we 
wanted more efficiency, by multiplying checks and stays when we 
wanted more decision and activity, by removing power and respon- 
sibility further from the people, when the true method was to bring 
responsibility more directly to the people as the source of power. 

We have had enough of legislative interference with executive 
business, by committees of Aldermen and committees of Councilmen. 
We have had enough of boards of appointment and removal ; 
enough of boards of control and administration. They are screens 
from responsiljility, and hiding-places for favoritism, corruption, and 
peculation. Whatever appearance of energy and independence 
they may wear at then' first institution, they inevitably lose their 
force in a little time, through the division of responsibility, and 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 51 

the difficulty of harmonizing so many diverse views and interests, 
and degenerate into mere manufactories of forms and repositories 
of red tape. Who requires an argument to convince him that all 
the departments would be as thoroughly roused as the police, if 
they all held their offices in the same way, by the will of Mayor 
Wood? 

The " Reform Committee" has done good, but it has failed of 
accomplishmg the needful reform, because it did not go to the root 
of the evil. Having its attention directed almost exclusively to 
the monstrous corruptions which have grown up, they have essayed 
to dry up these streams, without going to the fountain-head. The 
waste of money is not the chief evil, but the lack of government, 
the filthy streets inviting pestilence, the rowdyism and violence 
rendering life itself insecure, the obstruction of the wharves and 
streets hindering the very commerce by which the city lives. It 
is folly to intrust the management of the reform to the Common 
Council ; they do not represent the city on this subject, and are 
not likely to favor the reduction of their prerogatives, which will 
at the same time shut off their opportunities of speculation and per- 
sonal aggrandizement. 

It is the people's business, and we desire to see it taken hold of 
by the people, in primary assembhes. There ought to be no delay. 
If it can be well done, 'twere better done quickly. The loss to 
the city by the lack of a good government is immense — it is im- 
measurable, and will soon be overwhelming. The insecurity of 
life and property, the enormous expense without advantage, will 
drive commerce to other ports, unless we can have a reform ; and 
New York, with all its advantages, may become a mere monument 
of past prosperity, and a monitor to the world of the evils of mis- 
government. Already, we see the city of London alarmed at the 
diversion of its trade, through the expenses with which it is 
burdened, and the want of security which it encounters there.* 

* " London, instead of being now chosen, as a matter of course, as the common 
centre towards which commercial vessels proceeding to England from all quarters 
of the world are to be directed, has to sustain a sharp struggle whh the outports. 
The port of London has already lost the cotton imports — those of wool are gradu- 



58 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

It is time for ^ew York to be on the alert, and demand of tho 
present Legislature a reformed charter, which will strike at the 
root of all these evils, and secure to us a government, first of all 
efficient and faithful, next economical as well as liberal, and last 
of all as secure as the imperfection of human institutions permits, 
against favoritism and fraudulent administration. 

But we are free to say that we want no more tinkering, no 
more Boards, as screens from responsibility. We want a gov- 
ernment. And we had rather things would remain as they 
now are, than that they should be tampered with by quackery. 
We had rather continue to be governed by Mayor Wood, and 
would hope that he may be continued in office until we obtain a 
government, so that the people can govern themselves. 



MAYOR WOOD'S LETTER TO PRESIDENT PIERCE IN RESPECT TO THE 

importation of foreign paupers and felons. 

Mayor's Office, 
New York, January 2, 1855. 
His Excellency Franklin Pierce, 

President of the United States. 
Dear Sir : — There can be no doubt that, for many years, this port 
has been a sort of penal colony for felons and paupers, by the local au- 
thorities of several of the continental European nations. The desperate 
character of a portion of the people arriving here from those countries, 
together with the increase of crime and misery among that class of our 
population, with other facts before us, prove, conclusively, that such is 
the case. 

It is unnecessary to refer to the gross wrong thus perpetrated upon 



ally following — and that of silk seems destined to take the same course. Bristol, 
once the second port in the empire, but which lost its position by imposing heavy 
dock charges, has seen its error, and is again entering into competition with Lon- 
don. Liverpool and Glasgow now absorb a large portion of the trade once monop- 
olized by the metropolitan port. Southampton has been designated the future 
port of London ; and when the wonderful capabilities of the harbor are taken into 
consideration, and due attention paid to the fact that the railway running into 
the docks places that town within two hours of London, it will be conceded that 
there is very good reason for the designation." — London Daily News, Feb. 1, 1855. 



HON, FERNANDO WOOD. 59 

this city. It requires from me no allusion to the jeopardy of our 
lives and property from this cause. Men who, by a long career of crime 
and destitution have learned to recognize no laws, either civil or natural, 
cannot fail to produce feelings of terror at their approach. 

The inherent right of every community to protect itself from dangers 
arising from such emigration, cannot be questioned. New York has 
submitted to it long enough. The disease and pauperism arriving here 
almost daily from abroad, is of itself a sufficient evil ; but when to it is 
added crime, we must be permitted to remonstrate. We ask the inter- 
ference of the general government ; as it is its duty to protect us from 
foreign aggression, with ball and cannon, so it is its duty to protect us 
against an enemy more insidious and destructive, though coming in 
another form. 

I call your attention to this subject, hoping it will receive from you 
that action which its very great importance to the whole country 
demands. I am very truly yours, &c., 

FERNANDO WOOD, 3Iay(rr. 



LETTERS AND DIRECTIONS OF MAYOR WOOD TO THE POLICE OF 
NEW YORK. 

Mayor's Office, '( 

New York, January 1, 1855. j" 

Sir : — I inclose to you, through the Cliief of Police, certain instruc- 
tions to the men under your command, to which I ask your attention. 

You will see that every requirement is complied with, and that the 
results be reported every day to the Chief at his office, in your usual 
morning return. I will also take this occasion to ask of you the most 
rigid adherence to the rules and regulations governing the Department, 
and to express the hope that discipline will be observed, without relaxa- 
tion, in your district. Discipline can only be maintained by a regard to 
the smallest requirements of your service ; it requires compliance with 
every order, however trivial or apparently unimportant — it recognizes no 
right in a subordinate to judge the practicability or propriety of any 
direction issued by a superior officer. You must be responsible for 
every dereliction of duty by the force under your command, for it rarely 
occurs that an efficient and faithful captain does not make efficient and 
faithful men. You will see that in your Station-houses the apartments 
are always cleanly, that your books are correctly and regularly kept, 



60 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

and that no games are played for money, or profanity permitted ; that 
religion and politics b^ entirely excluded from discussion ; that loud 
talking and quarrelling be prevented, and that order, decorum and atten- 
tion to public duties be strictly required. 

Yery respectfully, FERNANDO WOOD, 3Iayor. 
To Capt. 

of District. 



Mayor's Office, [ 

New York, January 1, 1855. j 

Sir : — I have this day assumed the office of the Police Department 
of this city, and shall expect and require adherence to its rules and regu- 
lations. In your hands is placed the care of the property and lives, as 
well as the order," peace, and outward moral deportment of the whole 
community. 

Though you cannot extirpate vice, you can do much to suppi'ess it. 
Yigilance and an honest discharge of your duties, will not only enable 
the people to pay more for your protection by reducing the expense 
which crime produces, but add to the respectability of your position 
and to the security, of its continuance. There is now dissatisfaction in 
the public mind with the apparent inefficiency of the police. There 
should be no cause for it ! Let there be none ! Your duties are light ; 
the pay not illiberal ; your social standing good ; and the term, for which 
appointed, renders you independent of the contingencies to which the 
operative and other laboring classes are subjected. You hold positions 
of trust and honor to which the pride and ambition of any man need 
not be ashamed to aspire. 

It is made my duty to see the laws faithfully executed ; you are to be 
my aids in effecting this. I cannot look over the whole city to see that 
all is right ; but you can for me. I rely upon you. You are to be the 
eyes through which the theatre of my duties is to be observed, and the 
messengers to convey to me, through your officers, faithful and truthful 
reports. 

In addition to the rules and regulations now in force in the Depart- 
ment, and the several directions therein, you are requested to take note 
of and comply with the following : 

It is hereby made your duty to report every day, when on duty, to 
your commanding officer, the following information ; aid an omission 



Son. feukaxdo wood. 61 

to do so, and to conform to every requirement of this circular, will be 
deemed disobedience, and punished as such. 

To report every street uucleaned, in your patrol. 

Every unlicensed public house for the sale of liquor. 

Every public house kept open on the Sabbath. 

Every house of prostitution. 

Every gambling house. 

Every street not lighted at the proper hour. 

Every street or side-walk encumbered, and the party or parties ofiend- 
ing. 

Every excavation made under the side-walks or streets, by builders, or 
others. 

Every nuisance, and the party offending. 

Every supposed dereliction by any ofScer of the Corporation. 

Every violation of the city ordinances. 

You are further directed to disperse all gatherings of men or boys at 
the corners of the streets or other public places, on the Sabbath, where 
disorder is produced. 

To enforce the closing of public houses on the Sabl^ath day. 

To protect the stranger or emigrant from extortion or imposition. 

To remove from the streets all beggars, and direct them to the several 
public and private institutions created for their relief. 

To see that the ordinances for the removal of snow and ice from the 
side-v^alks and gutter be promptly complied with. 

You are further directed to arrest for creating riot or breaches of the 
peace. 

For being intoxicated and disorderly in the street. 

For injuring private or public property. 

For stopping the free passage of the cross-walks by cartmen, coach- 
men, or others. 

For throwing oflPal, garbage, vegetables, and rubbish in the streets. 

For offenses of any kind against the laws. 

Your faithful compliance with these directions are requested. Let no 
consideration induce you to omit one of them. 

You have now a determined chief officer, who will not be indifferent 
to a single dereliction of duty upon the part of those for wliose conduct 
he is responsible to the community, 

Yery respectfully, 

FERNANDO WOOD, 3Ia,m\ 



62 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

QUE MAYOR ABROAD. 

The press of other cities bestows the most enthusiastic commend-- 
ations upon Mayor Wood for the energy and success with which 
he is reforming long-neglected abuses in New York. The whole 
country Y\'ill be benefitted by the influence of Mayor Wood's ex- 
ample. Among the many laudatory articles in the journals of 
other places we select the following brief one from the New Bed- 
ford Mercury : — 

That Mayor Agaix. — Will any one believe that he can walk the 
streets of New York city after nightfall, and witness the same order 
and decency as in the streets of Berlin and Vienna ? That is now the 
case. It is the old story of Hercules and the Augean stable over again. 
The Mayor has found out the river which will run through the city 
streets, and wash away all the filth. Honor to Hercules Wood ! He 
goes into the stympbalic dens of the birds of the night, and they fall be- 
fore him ; he meets the , hydra of Sunday tippling, and down on the 
hundred heads comes his club with a unanimous thwack. He hears, if 
not of the Nemean lion at least of a " tiger," which is an equally uncom- 
fortable animal, and goes out to meet him — Tiger roars, but runs. He 
is going out to light the great giant of respectability, called Antceus, 
son of the Earth, who never touches its ground-rents without renewed 
strength. He will lift the giant upon high (in the clear air of news- 
papers), and squeeze it till it leaves ojff renting its houses to gamblers 
and brothel-keepers. What will Hercules do next ? Whatever there is 
for his hand to do, let us be assured. W® Shall all have enough work, if 
we follow his lead. 



MAiNIFESTO FROM MAYOR '-^'OOD 

IN REFERENCE TO THE MAINE LIQUOR LAW. 
Mayor Wood has issued the following manifesto, announcing 
the principles by which he will be guided in enforcing the new 
Liquor Law, so far as the duty of enforcing it may devolve on 
Mm. The principles enunciated by the Mayor will meet with the 
approval of all law-abidmg citizens. Whatever opinion of the 
law citizens may hold, there can be but one opinion as to the 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 63 

Mayor's obligations to enforce all laws, not as he would have 
them, but as they exist. 

TO THE PEOPLE OF NEW YORK. 

Mayor's Office, ) 

New York, April 16, 1855, [ 

The Legislature of this State having passed an act entitled " An Act 
for the Suppression of Intemperance, Pauperism and Crime," known as 
the Prohibitory Law, and as my position with reference to its enforce- 
ment in this city, so far as that duty may devolve upon my office, should 
be declared at an early day — to leave no doubt as to its character, I 
hereby present for public consideration the principles which control my 
conduct as a public officer, alike applicable to matters of great or small 
import. 

That the people govern — not in their primary capacity, but through 
representatives freely and fairly chosen — is the theory of American gov- 
ernment. The people are the source of political power. They make 
the laws ; and the great safeguard of American liberty is general compli- 
ance. As the statutes thus created for the better protection of life and 
property and the pursuit of happiness, are but the reflection of the pop- 
ular will for the time being, so are they binding upon the body politic — 
the minority as well as the majority — who are alike parties to the com- 
pact, the obligations of which it is dishonorable to disregard. And 
though these elements of self-government present the distinguishing fea- 
tures between our own and the governments of Europe, still our success 
has been owing more to acquiescence in the will of the majority than 
in the character of the government itself. Other republics have failed, 
even when formed upon our forms and constitution, only because of the 
resistance of the vanquished contestants for rule by rebellion against the 
laws and the executive power appointed to enforce them. "We under- 
stand republicanism differently, and hence have no such struggles. The 
generally pervading common school educational system — the rigid prin- 
ciple of obedience instilled into the child by the parent, and into the 
scholar by the teacher — the enlarged human progress, leading onward to 
the expansion of the heart and intellect — all founded upon an enlight- 
ened, unprescriptive religious sentiment — furnish the platform upon 
which American liberty stands, and from which no calamity, save forci- 
ble resistance to the laws, can ever remove it. 

It is not contended that minorities have not grievances, and that their 



Gi LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

grievances must remain unredressed. Their rights are fully protected* 
The same fundamental law that binds minorities to submit, points out 
clearl}^ the road to relief against an illegal or improper exercise of au- 
thority upon the part of the majority. Even whenever fanaticism rules 
the hour and covers the country with its baneful influence, to the ex- 
clusion of reason and justice, public opinion vrill soon correct the error 
and restore the calm sense of mature conservative judgm.ent. What if 
the law-maker proves recreant and betrays the constituent he has chosen 
to represent? The wrong inflicted is not irremediable, though it may 
be a proper chastisement for a negligent or corrupt use of the franchise. 
Time repairs all the errors of legislation. Its evils and wrongs, however 
gi-eat, invariably recoil before public opinion and the decisions of the 
courts. Redress and relief can thus always be obtained. The legal 
tribunals and the ballot-box are never approached in vain for the main-- 
tenance of a good, or the overthrow of a bad cause. These are the only 
constitutional resorts — all others are treason and rebellion. 

Another marked characteristic of the American people is the univer- 
sal submission to the government forms restricting the powers and duties 
of the three components of government, viz : the legislative, the judical, 
and the ex;ecutive. The fii'st can only make the laws, the second can 
only expound them, and the third has no discretion but to see them 
faithfully executed. It is my province to act as agent for the people in 
one of these departments. I am an executive officer. I aid in the ex- 
ecution of the laws, and have sworn to do so " to the best of my ability." 
With no part or responsibility in their creation, so far as State legislation 
is concerned, I have no option but compliance as an instrument for their 
enforcement, and to require a compliance in others, as far as I have the 
ability. It is my duty to exact obedience, and yours to obey. The 
officer of the law is not accountable for the making of the law ; he is 
bound to execute it pursuant to his oath of office though the respon- 
sibility of the people, as the source of all political power, cannot be so 
easily denied. As Mayor, I have endeavored to fulfil this duty. 
Though sometimes painful, yet it has been performed diligently and im- 
partially. I hope to continue without relaxation. The act relating to 
the prohibition of the liquor traffic and consumption is now a law, 
holding the same position as any other law, and until decided invalid by 
the courts, or amended or repealed by the Legislature, should command 
the same obedience. So far as its execution depends upon me, I have 
no discretion but to exercise all my power to enforce it. It is unnecessary 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 65 

for me to express an opiuiou in regard to legislation of this character, 
or of this law ; not only because that opinion has been heretofore given, 
but because, whatever it may be, I cannot without dishonor shrink 
from a faithful discharge of the trust confided, whatever shall be the 
personal consequences to myself. I now call upon the friends of law and 
order to aid in the performance of this obligation, and in sustaining the 
laws- -a principle upon which rests the corner stone of all our national 
prosperity and greatness. 

Deeming my course with reference to this subject of interest to those 
whose occupations are to be affected, and especially to those whose 
licenses will expire with the year ending the first of May ensuing, I 
have felt it incumbent upon me to indicate it frankly. I have availed 
myself of the first moment, after the ajournmeut of the Legislature, when 
all expectations of repeal or modifications were hopeless, to thus make 
public my position, without having had time to examine it, or to receive 
counsel as to my duties under it, and without knowing whether I am 
called upoii or have power as Mayor to take any part in its execution. 
I shall inform myself on these points without delay, and announce my 
conclusion to the public with the same candor that prompts this com- 
munication. 

FERNANDO WOOD. 



We close this work by presenting Mayor Wood's Report and 
Speeches in Congress, to which we have already alluded. We 
should be glad to examine the great national subjects which he 
has so ably discussed, but have only room to present the speeches 
as they are. 



66 UFE AND PDBLIC ADMINISTftATION OP 



SPEECH OF MAYOR WOOD IN CONGRESS, 

ON THE 

FISCAL BANK OP THE UNITED STATES, 
Delivered August 3d, 1841. 

Mr. Wood rose and said : Although not a talking man, either by 
profession or inclination, yet the importance of the question, and the 
recent signal expression of opinion from his constituents, demanded that 
he should be heard. He congratulated himself that he had obtained the 
floor at this early stage of the debate, and would not detain the commit- 
tee by an exordium, but proceed directly in the discussion. 

But, before entering upon the main question, he felt called upon to 
allude to one point in the argument of the gentleman (Mr. Sergeant) 
from Pennsylvania, who opened the debate yesterday in an ingenious 
speech upon the constitutionality of a bank. He would not discuss the 
legal points with that gentleman ; but he would say that that gentle- 
man's remarks appeared to him as better fitted for the bar and a jury 
than for the House ; and he would also add that it appeared rather as a 
speech made to remove from the Executive certain constitutional scruples 
he was supposed to entertain as to the powers of the Government to 
create a bank, than to convince Congress or the people. But with this 
he had nothing to do ; it was the allusion made to the sentiments of a 
gentleman now minister to Russia (Mr. Cambreleng) to which he par- 
ticularly referred. The gentleman, in the course of his remarks, alluded 
to a resolution reported to this House by Mr. Cambreleng from the 
Committee of Ways and Means in 1837 — " that it was inexpedient to 
charter a national bank ;" and drew from it the inference that that gen- 
tleman, the Committee of "Ways and Means, and the House which passed 
the resolution, had no doubt as to the constitutionality of a national 
bank. 

I protest (said Mr. W.) against this induction. It is not justified by 
the fact. It is not a J3gical inference. The" speeches of my distinguish- 
ed friend stand recorded against a bank, upon the ground of want of 
power under the constitution, as weU as inexpediency. The gentleman 
from Pennyslvania was a member when these speeches were made ; and 
it was unfortunate their character had escaped his recollection. Besides, 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 6^ 

Was this not so, lie (Mr. C.) may have been acting under instruction 
from his committee, against bis own vote. But, even if that was not 
the fact, he (Mr. W.) contended that the proposition of the inexpedi- 
ency of a measure was not an admission of its legality. But, sir, (said 
Mr. W.,) I will not dwell here. My object is answered in thus briefly 
placing the opinion of an absent gentleman in its true light, and prevent- 
ing what I conceive to be an unwarranted, and, I must add, uninten- 
tional stigma, falling upon the political character of one of the favor- 
ite sons of the Empire State. 

The bill before the committee is, in common parlance, a bill to create 
n, national bank as a fiscal agent of the Government — a proposition 
which presupposes the repeal of the law of July, 1840, for the safekeep- 
ing and disbursement of the public money, known as the independent 
treasury. Though the question of this repeal was not now directly be- 
fore the committee, yet, understanding it to be the determination of the 
administration majority to move the " previous question" immediately 
upon that repeal, without allowing the minority an hour for discussion, 
he would take this opportunity of protesting against such tyranny and 
against the repeal. 

A proposition to strike from the statute-book a law so important in 
iti5 bearings, and created for purposes of such deep interest, should be 
accompanied hj reasons more cogent than any we have yet heard. 
Proof should be adduced that it had failed to perform what its friends 
promised for it ; that it had been mischievous in its effects, or impracti- 
cable in its operations. They are not produced ; nor can it be said any 
argument based upon its action, worthy of serious notice, has been 
brought against it. It is safe, then, to hazard the opinion that no fault 
can be found with it in practice, although it had such strenuous oppo- 
Dents in theory. It has worked well, answering thus far (save probably> 
in a few minor details) the objects of its creation. If we revert to the 
oft-repeated prophecies of the whig party, of the devastation which the 
'ndependent treasury was to spread with magic speed throughout the 
land, and now compare them with what has been our condition since its 
adoption, and with what is at this time our true condition, the falsity of 
the prophecies will be apparent. If the state of the times is used as an 
argument against it, it is its triumphant vindication, when compared 
with those which preceded it. We were told it was pregnant with la- 
mentable consequences ; that it would destroy commerce and confidence ; 
-"•educe wages to ten cents per diem, the profits of agriculture to almost 



gg: LIFE AND PUBUC ADMINISTEATIOiV Of 

nothing ; — ia short, that all interests were to be annihilated. Has thir^' 
been so ? Have any of these evils overtaken the people ? I opine not. 
Without producing statistics, as I here could, to show, by irrefutable 
data, that prosperity — true, not false prosperity — has existed with ali 
classes ; — modified, it is true, but yet has exisited since July, 1840. the 
period at which this bill became a law — I will content myself by referring 
alone to the mercantile portion of my constituency, boldly making the 
assertion that they have less cause of complaint this year than for either 
of the three previous. It is true, unfortunate bankrupts, borne to the 
earth by indebtedness, have not l>cen relieved, nor can any law having for 
its object the custody of the public money relieve them ; nor has it re- 
produced the days of adventurous hazard, bringing back to the specula- 
tor dreams of glory. These its tendency has been to check, not facili- 
tate. But mercantile New York, in her true business character — divest- 
ed of, and divided from political prejudices-^-those freed from former 
embarrassments, aud content with the profits of a safe, legitimate trade — 
eomes not to your halls for legislative relief, or the repsal af this law j 
short credits and small profits seldom trouble you with lamentations ; 
they have no cause for lamentations — they do not understand what i& 
meant by " a war upon the currency." You cannot make the merchants, 
who follow these simple rules, believe they are ruiued and prostrate bank- 
rupts, although they may be deluded into a support of your administra- 
tion. In discussing this point, it is necessary, Mr. Chairman, to discrim- 
inate between business merchants and political merchants ; for there is 
much necessity of such discrimination, when the advocates of the repeal 
and the establishment of a bank so strenuously urge their views upon 
the ground that they are demanded by the commercial interests of the 
country. Sir, I am proud of the intelligence, iDTobity, and standing of 
this cla^ss of my constituency ; but. at the same time, it is my duty to 
say (and it is said with regret) that a large pdrtio'tt of it have allowed- 
themselves to become the tools and instruments of designing politicians ^ 
been drawn into the arena as partisan gladiators, lending the potential 
influence of their business titles to further schemes of adventurers ; allow- 
ing their interests, and consequently the vast interests depending upon 
them, to be almost prostrated by a mistaken enthusiasm, engendered by 
imaginary wrongs. They have been put into requisition upon this occa- 
sion ; but I must be allowed to say, they arrogate powers not belonging" 
to themselves ; they cannot, in justice, speak for the commercial class oC 
New York, but more properly for the political part of tha^t class,- 



■HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 69 

I repeat, that our trading community — the safe, sound, and rational 
portioQ of it, freed from these prejudices — make no complaint. The 
existing troubles they attribute to past errors. In short, no argument 
can be adduced in favor of the repeal of the indepeudent treasury, 
based upon the action or effect of the bill. The state of the times since 
its adoption, as compared with the three preceding years, is upon its 
Bide — evidence of son:e weight, and should, in this discussion, be pro- 
perly placed to its credit 

But I apprehend gentlemen do not urge the repeal for the reason that 
it has as yet betrayed any mischievous tendencies. We are told time 
sufficient has not yet elapsed, but the evil wfll he developed notwithstand- 
ing. Is it not wise, then, to await that time, and thus be furnished with 
reasons for the people ? Hasty legislation, either in the enactment of 
laws or their repeal, is objectionable, and often pregnant with lamenta- 
ble consequences. To guard against it, the framers of the constitution 
devised many ways. It was a point upon which they debated long and 
solemnly. To repeal this law at a time when it is indisputable, no argu- 
ment can be produced against its operation — that it fm^nishes in practice 
none of the objections urged against it in theory — but merely because its 
enemies have obtained a momentary ascendency in our councils, is one of 
the very acts of hasty legislation so much dreaded by the founders of 
the Government ; as, also, is it one of those self-destroying evils depicted 
by the opponents of republican institutions, as always connected with 
popular representative goverimieuts. 

Much good was promised for it by its friends ^ much bad prognosti- 
cated by the opposition. The time necessary to prove who wei'e in the 
right, and give it a fair trial upon its merits, has not elapsed. But if 
you force a decision, demanding a verdict now, the issue must be made 
■np, upon its action, effect and influence ; upon wliich ground we are ready 
to meet you, sanguine of a certain triumph. 

But v»-e are told the people have decided against it. Have they, for- 
sooth ? I respectfully ask, in what way ? at what time ? I am referred 
to the late Presidential election, but deny that that election had any 
reference to the independent treasury bill. The issue then, if there was 
any, (and if there was, for my life I could not discover it,) was.ol" another 
kind — made up of different material than anything having a bearing 
apon any question of national interest, much less the <j[uestion of~in what 
way the public revenue should be collected and disbursed. When was 
the subject discussed before the people 2 Whei-e was a denunciiition 



to LIFE AXD PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

of tbe odious sub-treasury made the war-cry for the onslaught, as in 
1838 ? Nowhere ! Or, if so, in isolated instances by itinerant whig 
orators, who, having learned their lessons in 1838, like other starlings 
having the faculty of repetition instead of invention, doled forth their 
lamentations in the old repeated strains of " sub-treasury ! sub-treasury ! I 
odious sub-ti-easury ! ! !" 

Was it made the issue by that illustrious convention of office-seekers 
who nominated the successful candidate at Harrisburg ? It was not= 
That august body of patriots, after contemplating their act, sneaked to 
their homes, not daring to make an av6wal of sentiments. Or was it 
made the topic of discussion by the candidate himself (supposed, of 
course, to embody the principles of his party) in his various addresses to 
the people? It was not That respectable old gentleman, as far as I 
know, never descanted upon the subject ; or, if so, by the most indirect 
allusion. Suffice it to say, there was no issue made at that election, 
involving the repeal of this law ; and gentlemen know it. That battle 
had been fought in 1838. The election for the 26th Congress turned 
almost entirely upon it. Mr. Yan Buren proposed it in his first mes- 
sage in September, 1837, and it at once became the watchword of the 
democratic party, as it did the exclusive point of attack, of the federal 
party. The bank patriots left our ranks, in which there was no more 
prospect of plunder, suddenly dropping the reins which they had held 
with an iron grasp ; thus causing dissension and confusion, producing 
the overwhelming though transient defeats of the fall of that year. The 
following spring State elections, contested upon the same ground, show- 
ed a slight re-action ; but the canvass for the 26th Congress, in the fal! 
and following summer, fought upon the broad platform of Jeffi?rsonian 
democracy — the divorce of bank and state against a national bank — 
sub-treasiuy, or no sub-treasury — between the unpurified and unterrified 
democracy upon one side, and an unholy alliaiice of old federalists and 
bank-rag aristocracy upon the other ; — an election, it may be said, held 
with express reference to tlys point of Mr. Yan Buren's policy — resiflted 
in a glorious triumph, by returning a majority in its favor, although the 
city of New York was defrauded, by pipe-laying, out of her representa- 
tives. Here was the issue — the only one ever made involving this ques- 
tion ; and it is a vain subterfuge to transfer it to the late election, be- 
cause you were fortunate enough to secure — no matter how — a majority 
of numbers against it. 

As one knowing something of commerce and the influences affeeting 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. tl 

it, and beiug somewhat conversant w^itli the views of that interest, and 
representing, in part, the most important commercial district in the 
Union, I regret this motion, apart from all political considerations ; I 
regret the subject is even agitated. The debate upon it is deleterious. 
If it is true (as so often contended by the opponents of the late and 
previous administrations) that this ever tinkering with the currency — 
this eternal legislation upon the public finances — has a fatal influence 
upon trade and commerce, why do the same gentlemen now follow the course 
they so eloquently denounced then ? — violate a principle so soon after es- 
tablishing it ? The first session of the late Congress, as was thought, dis- 
posed of this matter. We had had a seven year's war between two power- 
ful parties, contending with unexampled energy which should settle it 
according to its policy ; until at last, by the passage of this bill, the 
question was set at rest — the public money was placed in a situation 
where politicians and speculators could not reach it — where it could no 
longer be used as investments for political defense or attack. The 
people, not party hacks, rejoiced at its final disposition ; they felt that 
they were to remain for a season freed from the surges of this ocean ; 
to have rest, peace, and security ; the question was considered settled. 
Those who were suflferers through this conflict (and I know none who 
were not) would leave it where it is. Eeasonable men, of all classes, 
rejoiced privately, if not publicly, at its conclusion. They fel#relieved 
from the glorious uncertainty of a deranged currency. They now know 
upon what to depend ; it was finished — disposed of; and although not 
according to the preference of some, yet it was disposed of ; and prayed 
it might so remain. I tell you, sir, a majority of your party do not go 
with you in this repeal, when in its stead you seek to rear an institution 
like this proposed. The larger and more intelligent part of our merchants : 
a class who have contributed in various ways to place you in power, and 
who, according to panic makers, were to become its immediate victims — 
do not ask you for its repeal, if they are to have a bank in its place. 
The merchants throughout the country wish you to let them alone — to 
let the currency alone. Instead of calling extra sessions of Congress to 
cater for their especial benefit, they would rather Congress take a recess 
of ifive years, and give them relief by non-interference. You taught them 
that legislation upon the currency was prejudicial ; they will ask you to 
practise upon, in majority, the doctrines so ably expounded in minority. 
They do not require the political theorists who aspire to the honor of 
constructing a system of finance, based upon some visionary abstraction 



72 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

of their own, to practise castle-building at their expense ; nor do they 
ask the adherents of whig candidates for the Presidency to prove their 
fealty l)y the constitution of a party engine — good for Presidential aspi- 
rants, but destructive to trade and commerce. 

If the sub-treasury contains errors of detail, amend and alter, regulate, 
but not destroy. An error of detail is not an error of principle. Give 
our system the same chance of developing itself that we have given a 
bank, and if it prove to possess any of its fatal influence, I pledge myself 
the democratic party will go with you for i,ts repeal. We never sought 
to wrest from the United States Bank its charter, even after its corrui> 
tion had become manifest. In fact, at a time when it was notoriously 
subsidizing the press and squandering its money in a war upon General 
Jackson's administration, we never attempted the annulling of its charter. 
It had for years previous to its expiration proved unsafe as a public 
depository, unsound as a bank of emission, and a deranger instead of a 
regulator of the exchanges ; yet we never dreamed, in the plenitude of 
our power, of laying hands upon it. I contend that the charter of that 
bank was violated, and yet General Jackson never proposed its demoli- 
tion. It was at one time spoken of, in the political circles opposed to 
it ; but the friends of the institution cried for quarter, and quarter was 
given. And so with our nine hundred State banks, which have been for 
years pnnying upon the vitals of the people, putting at defiance all law, 
human and divine. We have not sought their destruction, nor do we 
now ; their friends admit there are errors in their system, but ask*us to 
regulate,* not destroy them. We make no admissions of errors in our 
system ; but if there are errors of detail, regulate, but not destroy. For 
forty yeare this Government has tried a national bank as its fiscal 
agent : what has been our financial condition for these forty years ? We 
have been periodically visited by panics, revulsions, and distresses, infla- 
tions and reactions, astounding exposed of defalcations and forgeries, agri- 
cultural killing low prices, and mechanical and operative killing high 
prices — a see-saw between inflation and depression, aptly represented by 
Daddy Lambert times and Calvin Edson times. But, sir, have any of 
these delectable bank followers visited us since the adoption of our plan ? 
They have not. I shall be answered, it has not been in existence long- 
enough. Yery w^ell :. it is admitted. Give it a trial of ten years — one 
quarter the period you have had for yours ; and if it harasses and beg- 
gars the people in the same manner, we will give it up, and strike our 
colors. 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 73 

The truth is, no argument based upon common sense can be adduced 
against the independent treasury. There are two motives actuating its 
opponents : the one, malice — the other, to rear in its place a political 
institution, which will enable them to comply with certain promises 
made previous to the late election. There is a class of the whig party 
not provided for by the distribution of the spoils ; the wheel does not 
revolve fast enough for them ; and another, who look for payment in a 
less laborious manner, by moneyed facilities. There is an interest also 
across the water, too powerful to be denied, and to whom, if report speaks 
true, the dominant party is somewhat indebted. But if these exist only 
in the imagination, I repeat, malice — deep unrelenting malice — has 
much to do with this repeal ; a motive the more unmanly and contempti- 
ble, as it is veiled under pretexts of what the public good requires. By 
deception was the power obtained to do this deed, and by deception is 
the deed perpetrated. As the pirate decoys the merchantman under a 
friendly flag until the sides of the victim are scaled and the deck is in his 
possession — so did the whig leaders decoy the people, until, having them 
fast bound and powerless, as far as their action here is concerned, they 
unfurl the red banner, bring forth the bloody instruments of torture, 
exhibit the portentous engine yclept a bank, and prepare the manacles 
and chains. But, thank God, here the simile fails ; for, unjike the vic- 
tims of the corsair, they shall be freed from this subjugation, and deal a 
just retribution upon the actors in this treachery — ay, sir, reaching the 
pirate captain himself, whether enveloped in robes of senatorial dignity 
(Mr. Clay) or doffed in the brown habit of a puritan secretary, (Mr. 
Webster.) These dazzlingly-bedecked chieftains wear but the people's 
livery. Is it not enough that you should have purchased popular sup- 
port by allying yourself to popular passions ; but must you now exer- 
cise your ill-gotten power, without dignity and without respect, by indulg- 
ing this spirit of pitiful vindictiveness ? But what can be expected of 
an administration coming into existence as it did, and controlled by the 
men it is — men whose object was to obtain office, and. until they are 
stripped of this power, standing forth as naked of Government patron- 
age as they are naked of principle ? There is no rest for an abused and 
deluded people. 

Sir, I have not the ability or disposition to go into an elaborate defense 
of the sul>treasury, if any were required. It was the principal topic of dis- 
cussion in every legislative body in the country, from the moment of its pro- 
position to its passage. The ablest talent battled for it and against it ; the 



7 4 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

public press teemed with it ; scarcely a child but is conversant with the 
arguments upon either side. I will'not spend the people's money, or weary 
the patience of the committee, by repeating them. The mandate has gone 
forth — " it must be repealed." It may be said, with propriety, that any 
discussion in the premises, or any opposition, here or elsewhere, is folly — 
madness. It must be repealed. A tdistinguished Senator has said it ; 
and, like Mandarins under a special edict of the Celestial Emperor, it is the 
duty of the majority of this House to " tremble and obey." Bat as it is 
not pretended we are to be left at sea without a rudder, a substitute is pro- 
posed ; or, rather, would it not be more correct to say several substitutes ? 
all, however, in the language of the oflBcial gazzette, '' central or fiscal 
agents." The time has arrived when the lead-horses of this motley group, 
now in the possession of the Government, can, as they think with safety, 
take their course, without fear of the consequences. It is not now with 
the Kentucky Senator, as it was when pressed upon by the democratic 
Senator of New Tork, previous to the closing of the last Congress. 
Then, he replied to a question as to the substitute, '• that sufficient for 
the day was the evil thereof." " He had then nothing but the sub- 
treasury to handle, and that was sufficient for him." It was too soon to 
play trumps. He (Mr. Clay) was not ready. A premature disclosure 
may have effected certain congressional elections, not at that time holden. 
Of course, at that time he had nothing but the sub-treasury to handle ; 
it was entirely too soon to make further " disclosures for the public eye." 
But now, secresy was no longer necessary ; the elections have been held ; 
a federal majority is secured; the administration is thrust into the 
breach ; the hand is shown ; the card is played ; and the whig trump is 
to " incorporate the subscribers to the Fiscal Bank of the United States." 
Sir, if the people of this country decided in the'late election against the 
sub-treasury, (which I deny.) did they decide in favor of a national bank ? 
They did not. That issue was never made ; the question was never 
raised ; nor are they now in favor of such an institution. I am aware 
efforts are being made to foist upon Congress the interested action of a 
handful of brokers, bankers and speculators, as the popular voice. But the 
mantle of deception is too flimsy. Gentlemen refer me to what they are 
pleased to term the mammoth petition from New York, presented to the 
Senate a few weeks since. Sir, they may terra it the mammoth petition, 
but I christen it the bastard petition ; ay, sir, the illegitimate offspring 
of illegitimate parents. Sir, it purports to have been signed by some 
fifteen or twenty thousand petitioners ; whereas, if my information be 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. .!> 

correct, it did pot contain eleven thousand ; and four thousand of them 
were purchased by hired loafers at the corners of streets, at four dollars 
per hundred. Thus will the mammoth, which took three persons to 
bring to the capitol, lose more than half of its rotundity, and all of any- 
thing formidable in its appearance. I have alluded to the three persons 
who assumed the responsibility of acting as its guards and escorts ; 1 
should have said committee, for they were dignified by such official cog- 
nomen by their wire-pullers in Wall street. And who were the members 
of this committee ? The same gentlemen who went " cap in hand" to 
Mr. Biddle, in March, 1837, begging him to save New York from anni- 
hilation; and who, in October, 1839, advocated a suspension of specie- 
payments by our banks — fit instruments to be the tenders of such a 
petition. There has also been presented a memorial from the Chamber 
of Commerce of New York, praying for a similar favor. I have a word 
to say as to this memorial. Unsophisticated -gentlemen, unacquainted 
with the way in which cliques contrive to manufacture public sentiment, 
would not think it possible that a memorial coming from such a source 
could be any other than a representation of the opinion of commercial 
men ; but, sir, in this instance it is not so. Our Chamber of Commerce 
is an association of about two hundred gentlemen : there were but fifty- 
six present, when a resolution was passed to memorialize Congress for a 
bank : thirty-six voted in favor, and twenty against it. Under this 
resolution, a committee of five was appointed to draw a memorial — and 
were they merchants ? No, sir, there was but one merchant upon that 
committee. This is not an empty assertion, without authority ; but is 
the fact, as I will convince the House, by producing their names and 
occupation. The first-named gentleman was James G. King, senior 
partner of the house of Prime, Ward, & King, an old-established Wall 
street banJcing-house, largely connected with British capitalists and Brit- 
ish interests — a banker, (or, in common parlance, a broker,) and not a 
merchant. I intend no disrespect when I characterize him as a broker. 
This word, in its original and true definition, has nothing disreputable 
in it ; its present taint has arisin from the fleecing propensities of the 
modern order of that profession. Among them are many honorable ex- 
ceptions, and I believe him (Mr. K.) to be one ; but he is not a mer- 
chant, and, consequently, is not the proper person to speak through the 
Chamber of Commerce what, the mercantile interests of New York re- 
quire. The next is Mr. James Brown, of the house of Brown, Brothers 
& Co., another banking establishment, largely connected with capital- 



76 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

ists across the Atlantic, and, as I believe, a partner in a similar firm in 
Liverpool or Loudon. As a representative of the commercial classes, he 
is in the same category with the former gentleman. I intend no disre- 
spect. Well, sir, the third is Mr. James Depeyster Ogdeu — not a ban- 
ker, it is true, but a cotton operator — or, in other words, a cotton specu- 
lator. This gentleman (whom I understand to be a very worthy man) 
is the author of several labored treatises in favor of a bank, and is the 
reputed author of the memorial. He is not a merchant, and cannot 
speak for the merchants of New York. The fourth is Mr. John R. 
Hurd, president of an insurance company, who is also a gentleman of 
respectability, but not a merchant ; nor can he with propriety speak for 
the merchants of New York. The fifth, and last, is Mr. William H. 
Aspinwall, a bona fide merchant, practically and theoretically, and one 
of the most enlightened and prosperous of the class. He was the only 
merchant upon the committee. In connection with this point, I will add, 
that at the time this cheat was in preparation — this merchants' petition 
being drawn up by brokers and speculators for the Congressional 
market — there were conspicuous British bankers in Wall street, 
anxious observers, if not co-laborers in the movement. Among them 
might be named Mr. Bates, partner of the celebrated house of Baring, 
Brothers & Co. ; Mr. Cryder, of the equally celebrated house of Mor- 
rison, Cryder & Co ; ]Mr. Palmer, jr., son of Horsley Palmer, now (or 
late) Governor of the Bank of England. Nor, Mr. Chairman, were 
these " allies" seen alone in Wall street ; their visits were extended to 
the Capitol ; and since the commencement of the debate upon this bill 
in the other House, they have been in the lobbies, attentive and appa- 
rently interested listeners. I make no comment : comment is unnecessary. 
I state facts — undeniable facts ; and it is with feelings akin to humilia- 
tion and shame that I stand up here and state them. 

Sir, the voice from the city of New York in favor of the national 
bank is from Wall street and its purlieus ; from the brokers, bankers, 
speculators, and their dependants, and not from the solvent and prudent 
merchants, or the small traders and mechanics. The merchants of New 
York, in the aggregate, without reference to party, are opposed to any 
bank you can create, under any name, with any checks of any character. 
But, sir, I repeat : suppose the people have decided against the sub- 
treasury, (which I deny ;) and suppose they decide in favor of a national 
bank, (which I deny ;) and suppose the people are now in favor of 
it, (which I deny ;) — will it perform what its friends in Congress promise 



fioif. ferKaxdo wood. 71 

for it ? It will not. We are told, among other benefits to be conferred 
by its creation, a uniform currency will be established, and exchanges 
will be regulated. Gentlemen often revert to the late bank as proof of 
this assertion. I will take them on that issue, and leave out of the ques- 
tion, as they unfairly do, the Pennsylvania Bank of the United States. 

It is an error, an unpardonable error, in either practical men or states- 
men, to say that the late United States Bank produced steadiness of cur- 
rency, or regular exchanges. In the first commencement, it so inflated 
the money-market that a revulsion soon followed, which swept off the 
merchants of the day by thousands. The father of the humble individ- 
ual who addresses you {said Mr. W.) was one of the unfortunate victims. 
This revulsion nearly prostrated the bank ; but, by breaking everything 
else, it saved itself. Its safety was secured by its management falling 
into the hands of Mr. Cheves, who took the reins, and saved it from, 
bankruptcy and ruin. An able and impartial writer, who avows him- 
self in favor of a bank, says, in speaking of the close of Mr. Cheves's 
administration : , 

" The bank then passed into other hands, and from that thne to 183G there 
were no causes developed which threatened a o-eneral suspension of the PtiUe 
institutions ; but there were various important minor crises which were all more 
or less aggravated by the action of the Bank of the United States ; and with the 
causes in operation from 1830 to 1S3G, (indei)endent of those arisingfrom the war 
between the Government and the bank,) hod its charter been renewed, it uould 
ineviiahly have failed. These causes are well known : they were chiefly in a series 
of years of high prices for cotton, of introduction of foreign credit and cajtital 
into the foreign trade of the country, the gradual increase of loans to the Stales, 
and the stopi'nng of pa3-ments on account of the national debt. The operation of 
these causes brought in a gradual and continual accession of capital, and enlarged 
the basis of credit and confidence in that degree that engafemente were inbniiely 
multiplied and business expanded, and togethel- with the immense increase of 
Government deposits in the bank, make it all but certain that, under its tlien 
management and great and increasing circulation and exten.-^ion, it would have 
been the first to fail and carry the country with it ; and we believe the time is 
.not far distant when this will be considered beyond question. It behooves us. 
therefore, if we are to have another bank, to have it so i-estricted and constructed 
as to place it out of the power of enterprise or Cupidity to endanger its safety, 
and to lessen the mischief which always accompanies the action of such laige 
bodies in times of difficulty." 

Again : another able writer on finance gives a statement which can- 
not be controverted. I challenge contradiction here or elsewhere. 

The fact that, for a few years during the existence of the United States Bank, 
the exchanges were uniform, proves nothing but that a combination of extraor- 
dinary events tended to produce a greJiter ^<upply of credit than could for son^o 
years be absorded in the regular comse of business. The.^e were create d ] i;rily 
by the yearlv pavments of ^10,000,000 on account of the national debt, which 
went tlirousr'h the United States Bank as the fi.-^cal agent, and the creation of a 
large amount of State debts that formed the basis of bills. From tlie creation 
of the United States Bank in 1817, up to 1823, the exchanges were in as bud a 
condition as they are at this moment. The banks of the south and southwest 



n 



LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 



did not pay specie, and the United States Bank bad no power over them. 
1820, large issues of State stocks commenced; as follows : 

State stocks issued from 1821 to 1830. 



Ijl 



Issue commenced-1820 


South Carolina 




$1,560,000 


1823 


Pennsylvania - 




7,980,000 


J 823 


Virginia 




1,499,000 


1823 


Alabama 




100,000 


1824 


New York 




8,490,781 


1824 


Louisiana 




1,800,000 


1825 


Ohio 




4,400,000 



Total, 



25,835,781 



In this we find that nearly every section of the Union had large credits to draw 
against, created by stock sales. In these stocks were invested a large amount 
of the money paid cmt through the United States Bank to the pubUc" creditors. 
This was an important element in regulating the exchanges ; and as during that 
period the movements of the bank were confined to regular business only, there 
was but little speculation abroad ; and these credits were all to be absorbed in 
t-egular business. A sufficiency of bills was thus created that effectually pre- 
vented any extraordinary rise in rates. Let ns now see the movements of the 
bdnk during the whole existence, as follows : 

Bank of the United States from its organization up to January, ]841. 



Year. 



Jan., 1817 
1818 
1819 
182G 
1821 
1822 
L823 
1824 
1825 
1826 
1827 
1828 
1829 
1830 
1831 
1832 
1833 
1834 
1835 
' 1836 
1837 
1838 
1839 
1840 
1841 

AprU, 1841 



Loans. I Stocks held. 

I 



Specie. Circulation. Deposits. 



^3.485.l95j$4.829,234i 



41,181,7501 
35.78(;,263| 
31.401,158 
30.905.199' 



9,475.932 
7,391,823| 
7,192,980, 

9.155.8551 



28,0Gl,169il3.318,951} 
30J36,432|ll.018,552| 
33.432,e84il0,S74>^14 
31 ,812,01 7 118.422,027 
33,424,621 Il8.303,501 
30.938,836 1 17,764.359 
33.682,905 17,624,859 
39.219.602 16,099,0991 6,098,138 



n.724,109 
2,515.949 
2,666,696 
3,392,755 
7.643,140 
4,761,299 
4,424,874 
5,813,694 
6,746,952 
3.960,158 
6,457,161 
6.170,045 



40.663,805 11.610.290 
44,022.057! 8,674,681 
66.293.707! 2,200 

61.695,913; 
54.911.461 i 
51,S08,739| 
59,232.445^ 
57,393,709! 
45,258,57114,862,108 
41,618,637 17,957,497 
36,839,593 16,316,419 
20.942,508 10,822,717 
19,349,079,10,913,240 



7,608,076 

10,808,040 

7.038.023 

8.951.847 

10,031,257i 

15.708,369 

3.417,988 

2,638,449 

3,770,8421 

4,153,607' 

1,469.674' 

2,569,705 

756,454 



$1,911,200 

8.339,448; 

6.563,750j 

3.589.481! 

4,567,053 

5,578,782 

4,361.058 

4,647,071 

6,068,394 

9.474,987 

8.549.409 

9,855,67 

11.901,656 

12.924,145 

16,251,267 

21,355,724 

17,518,217 

19,208.379 

17,339,797 

23.075,422 

11,477,968 

6,768,067 

5,982,621 

6,695,861 

7,157,517 

3,294,576 



$11,233,021 

12.279,207 

5,792,809 

6,568,794 

7.984,985 

8.075.152 

7,622.340 

13,701,936 

12,033,364 

11.214.640 

14,320,186 

14,497,330 

17,461,918 

16,045,782 

17,297,041 

22,761,434 

20,347,749 

10,828,550 

11,756,905 

5,061,456 

2,332,409 

2,616.713 

6,779,394 

3,328,521 

2,970,069 

1,462,239 



HON, FERNANDO WOOD. t9 

We fiad here that, from 1819 to the election of General Jackson in 1828, the 
dij=counts of the bank varied but little, and never ran so high as its capital. In 
1828 it increased its Joans $6,000,000, and in each successive year up to 1832, 
there was a large mcrease of loans and a decrease in stocks. For a period of 
five years there is no return made of stock, but in that time large loans were 
made on stocks. In March, 1835, these loans were $4,797,936 ; and in March, 
1836, they were $20,000,000. In March, 1835, the loans by the exchange com- 
mittee commenced, and ran from $6,000,000 to $8,000,000 in two years. In all 
this period speculation ran very high. The State loans created from 1830 to 1835 
were as follows : 

State stock created from 1830 to 1835. 



Mississippi $2,000,000 

Tennessee 500,000 

Illinois 600.000 

Virginia 686,000 

Maine i 554,976 

New York ...... 2,204,979 



Louisiana $7,335,000 

Alabama 2,200,000 

Indiana 1,890,000 

Ohio 1,701.000 

Maryland 4,210,311 

Peunsylvauia 16,130,003 

Total $40,012,769 

United States Bank bills were paid out on those stocks to a great extent, and 
they thereby got an immense circulation, which ranged near $23,000,000 in 1836. 
The credits created thereby went far to support the exchanges. In 1832 the 
immense fund that had yearly been thrown off by the payments on the public debt 
ceased by an extinguishment. In 1833 the deposits were removed, and the bank 
proceeded to curtail the loans on mercantile paper ; and as it did so, employed 
its funds on stock loans. Hence the discounts in 1835 had decreased $15,000,000, 
and the stock loans, according to the late committee report, were $20,000,000, 
v/hile the specie had accumulated to $15,000,000. In 1838, according to the 
table, there was a further reduction of $14,000,000 in discounts, and an increase 
of $15,000,000 in the stock account. In the following year the same feature was 
apparent. The whole contraction of loans from 1833 to the present time is $49,- 
000,000, which of coursa was good. The remaining $19,000,000 is the refuse ; 
and when we take into consideration the circumstances of it.s creation, it maybe 
put down as worthless. The late report states that " very little of it is mercan- 
tile paper." The details of these bilLs v.'ould be very interesting. 

Prom 1835 to 1833 the creation of State stock amounted to $103,423,808, 
almost all the States participating. Under the inflation of the bank, the ficti- 
tious busioess had become so great as to absorb all the bills based upon these cred- 
its. The banks stopped, their paper became depreciated, and the exchanges 
fell into confusion. 

Although the bank called In Its loans on regular paper after 1833, it reloaned 
the money on stocks. The officers speculated with it in all kinds of ways, and 
when, in 1636, the charter was to be pai'l for, the bank was obliged to borrow 
$5,000,000 in London, and 12,500,000 francs in France. The creation of stock 
gave to each section an excess of credit on the financial centre of the Union, 
that of itself regulated exchanges, and woiild have done so in the hands of private 
dealers, without a national bank; and exchanges would have worked as regularly 
as they do throughout Europe without any bank. 

Now, sir, let us hear no more of the beneficent operation of the old 
bank. It is dead, but its disasterous consequences still live. 

We need not a Government bank to regulate exchanges ; they are re- 
gulated by the immutable laws of nature — by supply and demand. 



80 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMIKISTHATION OF 

Artificial remedies for cnrreucy disorders are like artificial stimulants to 
the prostrate animal — the resuscitation, to be permanent and healthful^ 
must be produced by the inherent vigor of the system, which depends 
upon the inherent vitality of itself. What is exchange ? It is simply 
the transfer of property or its representative. If banks confine their 
business to the legitimate objects of their creation — making loans upon 
short bona-fide business paper, and no other— exchanges cannot be de- 
ranged, because then the notes discount^ represent commodity ; capital 
is loaned, and not credit — which, as all writers on commercial banking 
agree, is the only thing a bank should loan. We require nothing to reg- 
ulate exchanges, if our nine hundred banks do their duty ; but if they 
will only in part perform it — one portion of the country suspending^ 
and the other paying specie — the exchanges will become disturbed, and 
human ingenuity cannot devise a national bank to remedy the difficulty. 
But, sir, granting that every merit you claim for a national bank was 
well founded, and that it would perform allt he beneficent action prom- 
ised, it cannot be put into successful operation, nor can it ever obtain 
public confidence. The people of our country have had a surfeit of 
their banking system. Of all the evils of corrupt legislation, the crea^ 
tion of banks, whether State or national, has been the worst. I think 
the assertion can be established, that nearly, if not all the periodical 
derangement in our monetary affairs has had its origin in it. Banks 
appear to be the instruments selected by man to subvert God's blessings. 
Look abroad upon the face of our beautiful country ; see its expanse of 
empire, stretching almost from the rising to the setting of the sun ; its 
climate of every variety — the soft zephyrs of the south, and stern frigid- 
ity of the north ; its soil sending forth spontaneously, almost without 
the force of man's labor, the richest products of earth's bosom ; its 
bounteous supply of rivers for navigation, and watering streams for til-' 
lage ; its mighty oak, for the construction of the world's commerce, and 
the skill and energy for its speedy monoply. And were these not given — 
had God not lavished upon us these gifts — look at the governmental 
fabric bequeathed to us by •' the sires of whom we are the degenerate 
posterity,!" See its adaptation to our physical and mental being ; its 
invisible operation upon our cohesion and fraternity. Again : see the 
resources of our strong arms, native intellects, and indomitable enter- 
prise, raising us aloft in all the attributes of gifted man ; but, alas ! turn- 
ed upon ourselves, the weapons of our own destruction — the engines by 
which we perpetrate a suicide upon our own prosperity. It is ourselves, 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 81 

then, and not God, who produce, by the creation of credit, and not capi- 
tal, the evils of which we complain. The munificent Bestower of all 
blessings has allotted to our portion of his domain, fair verdure, con- 
genial climate, and individual adaptation of character ; but by our own 
hands have we fallen victims to the abuse of what was intended as bless- 
ings, sacrificed by legislation, destroyed by turning our back upon the 
benevolence of God, looking to banks and not industry. 

Sir, do yon know what banks have cost the people ? 1 will show 
you. 

In a report made to this House by the Committee of Ways and 
Means in 1830. it was estimated that, previous to 1817, the Government 
lost by loans made to it in depreciated currency, and 

paid in specie . . $33,000,000 

The late Secretary of the Treasury, in a report to 
the Senate, tells us that, since then, the Government 

has lost - - - 15,492,000 

That the people have lost directly by bank failures - 108,885,721 
Losses by suspensions of specie payments by banks, 
and consequent depreciation on their notes - - - - 95,000,000 

Losses by destruction of bank-notes by accidents - - 7,121,332 

Losses by counterfeit bank-notes, beyond losses by 

coin ------- __.. 4,444,444 

Losses by fluctuations in bank currency affecting 
prices, extravagance in living, sacrifices of property, and 
by only a part of the other incidents to the banking 
system, not computed above, at least 150,000,000 



413,943,49' 



But, sir, we do not stop here. This is an enormous aggregate, but 
this is not all. The losses by fictitious banks and their notes — opera- 
tions of mere swindling — are very considerable ; and they are justly 
chargeable to our system of paper currency. Besides, there are frauds, 
robberies, and defalcations, connected with the banks, which might be 
properly set down under this head ; but these are not easy to compute. 

The amount paid by the country to the banks, during the last ten 
years, for the use of their agency and their notes, after deducting six 
per cent, interest for the use of bank capital and the reasonable expen- 
ses of managing the banks, is computed at $94,000,000 

Being an annual sum of 9,400,000 

6 



82 LIFE AXD PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

Of the aggregate losses sustained by the commuuity since 1789, Mr. 
Woodbury computes that there must have happened within the last ten 
years an amount of - - i^200,000,000 

Which is at the annual rate of 20,000,000 

Is not this a frightful exhibit of what banks have cost the people ? 
But it is not all. Where is the gatherer of' statistics who will attempt 
to compute the losses sustained by men who, seduced from the small 
earnings of an honest avocation, have been ensnared into the temptation 
of a bank discount ? What master hand shall delineate the wreck of 
morals and loss of character, to say nothing of domestic happiness, pro- 
duced thereby ? Who will furnish us a record of the defalcations, for- 
geries, dishonest self-appropriations, with which our press is almost daily 
teeming ? Sir, these are evils of the system. The wisdom of this, or any 
other country, never created banks, as such, without these concomitants. 
These evils appear to be a necessary consequence — a certain result. Is 
it not strange, then, we find in this House advocates for a bank as an 
agent of the Government — as a keeper of the public finances — men 
willing to strike from existence a law with which they have not, and 
cannot, justly find fault ; and place in its stead one, the result of which 
all experience proves is pregnant with the worst of evils — the very im- 
personation of national disaster ? 

But, sir, in conclusion, let me say. Go on — ^pass this bill — charter your 
bank — fasten this iniquity upon the country ; the mighty shout of repeal 
has gone forth from my lion-hearted constituency. Ay ! repeal ! repeal ! ! 
repeal ! ! ! From that ground from whence first floated to the winds the 
bright banner ojf " Divorce of Bank and State' — borne aloft by the stout 
arms and honest hearts of the down-trodden but indignant masses — now 
is heard, trumpet-tougued, the voice of repeal. New York has spoken — 
she never speaks in vain. I echo her voice in these halls. It is the 
proudest moment of my life that I have been the first in this debate to 
ring into the ears of great men's satellites — " Bind the chains of this 
bank upon us, and the Democracy will rend them asunder by a speedy 
repeal of its charter." . 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 8^ 



SPEECH OF MAYOR WOOD IN CONGRESS, 

ON THE 

OPERATION OF THE TARIFF LAWS. 
Delivered Feb. 9, 1842. 

Mr. Saltcnstall, from the Committee on Manufactures, reported the 
following resolution : — 

Resolved, That the Committee on Manufactures be authorized to send for wit- 
nesses aud take testimony on the subject of the present tariflf laws, their opera- 
tion upon the interests of the country, and the alterations which those interests 
fequu-e : 

Which being under consideration, 

Mr. Wood rose, and addressed the House, in substance as follows : 
Mr. Speaker : I am in favor of all information which it is possi- 
ble to gather upon this important question, and desire, as earnestly as 
any gentleman, that every legal and just means be taken to procure it. 
I am willing to go far, very far, to obtain light, for none more than my- 
self believes it is required. Of all questions affecting individual and 
Government interests, directly or indirectly, that is paramount ; therefore 
light should be had, that we may legislate knowingly and understand- 
ingly. This House, of all the world, requires it. The discussion of the 
revenue bill of last session and motion of reference of the tariff portion 
of the President's message this session, have convinced me we have too 
little of the requisite knowledge. We are lamentably ignorant of the 
practical operation of our import system, or in what respect it needs modi- 
fication or alteration. The country is in want of light. The manufactur- 
ing districts should have the light of reason and experience, to show 
them the fallacy of submitting their interests to the control aud jurisdiction 
of demagogues. And from whence must it come ? From practical men ; 
of all classes, professions and occupations. The dreamy theorist of the 
old world, or one-sided, interested advocates of this, cannot, if they 
would, impart it to us. It must be drawn from a philosophic study and 
comparison of facts, and not from inventive political economists. We 
must go into an investigation as expansive and deep as will be the bear- 
ing of our decision upon the interests of the people and prosperity of 
the Government. All men must give us the result of their experience. 
In disposing of a question which involves every interest — the ramifica- 



84- tlFE AXD PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Of 

tious of which extend to every mau, woman and child in thu nation— 
which is inseparably connected with and controls the public Treasury, a 
precise and positive knowledge is unquestionably indispensable. 

There must be no surmises; no guessing, no speculation. FactS; 
indisputable and beyond impeachment, must be the basis of our action, 
I would examine the meFchant. I would ask him how and in what 
manner a high tariff affects commerce : whether a tariff sufficiently high 
for protection is not inconsistent with a tariff for revenue ; whether 
tarifis should be discriminating or an unvarying ad valorem ; how the 
English warehousing system, and the proposed home valuation, would be 
adapted to this country, and what rate of duties would best prevent 
smuggling and other invasions of the revenue laws, and the other numer- 
ous inquiries of detail. I would ask the agriculturist under which system, 
high or low duties, the native products of the soil would find the most 
advantageous market ; Avhether he was willing to pay an additional tax 
upon implements of husbandry, not to raise revenue by which to meet 
necessary national disbursements, but add to the already large profits of 
manufacturers ; and whether a restrictive duty on foreign importations 
would not in time cut off much of the foreign demand for his own pro- 
ductions? The manufacturer should be consulted. I would ask him 
whether, without protection, under low duties, with a business ensuring 
a fair remuneration, his inteil'est would be subserved by encouraging the 
competition and rivalry of speculating adventurers ; if in those countries 
of Europe w'here the restrictive policy had been thrown off, the manufac- 
turers had not surely flourished in proportion to advantages of material 
and labor ; and if American manufacturers cannot subsist and flourish 
without the aid of Government, by what right does it demand a tax upon 
the whole industrial as well as non-producing population for its particular 
benefit. I would ask whether he was ready to admit that, with our free 
institutions, superior industry, ingenuity, and advantages of home-raised 
raw material, we could not compete with European monarchies. And I 
would now appeal to the consumer of ail classes and occupations — to the 
backwoodsman of the Far AVest, and the. sturdy operative of the At- 
lantic cities. 

Of the hardy pioneer, whose capital is as much in the axe as the 
sinews which deal the blows, I would learn how he is affected ! Whether 
he is willing the instruments with which he levels the mignty oak of the 
forest, and the weapons with which he drives its original owners from 
their coverts, may be taxed to build up and cherish Eastern monopolizing, 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 8$ 

'iiianufacturing coi'porations. Sir, in part, I have the lienor to repre- 
sent a large manufacturing district ; for I contend that he who planes a 
board, or makes a shoe, or constructs any work of art or mechanism 
from pre]3ared or raw material is as much a manufacturer as the denizens 
of your New England associations, and should be as much consulted. 
To the manufacturers, br, in another word, the mechanics of the city of 
Xew York, I would apply — I would a.sk them whether they desire that 
the doctrine of protection be put into practical operation, and that the 
fostering care of Government be exerted for their particular benefit, to 
the detriment of every other class, and destruction of our present means 
of raising revenue ? Wliether they are willing to carry out the princi- 
ples of the Home League, by paying thirty dollars for a coat whicli 
previously had cost but twenty-five ? I know them too well to do them 
the injustice not to anticipate their answer. TJiey require no protectioiL 
but the reward of honest industry. They come not to your halls for fos- 
tering care. If there is a favor they would ask or accept at your hands, 
it is non-interference — to let them alone — to cease your officious inter- 
meddling, and, least of all, keep away the protection of a high tariff, 
wliich they look upon as 

' Such protection as vultures give to Iambs — 
Covering and devouring them." 

They will turn to you and say, " Gentlemen, last session you squandered 
the public treasure upon bankrupt, profligate States, giviag away, in a 
corrupt bargain, that which cost our father's blood and treasure, and 
now come to us with the conciliatory notes of kindness, with a base bribe 
to buy our favor. We will none of it. Wc question ihaX the policy of 
high duties is benfeficial to us ; but we know, if it were so, that it is iniqui- 
tous, anti-Democratic, and uuequaL We have principles dearer to us 
than pecuniary advantage. We would not have you destroy the har- 
mony of the glorious and beautiful Union, or do aught to impair the 
fabric of our political existence, to put in our pockets the wealth of the 
Indies. We are no dollar and cent patriots ; they may be found in your 
marble palaces, but not in our obscure workshops. It is true we pro- 
duce everything and get nothing, and you produce nothing and get every- 
thing ; yet your injustice to us shall not compel us to be unjust to oth- 
ers." This would be their' answer, as it would, if I mistake not, the 
answer of the same class throughout the Union. 

Su", I am in favor of gettiug, in this manner, the facts upon which to 
base our action, but object to the medium through which it is pro- 



86 LIFE AXD PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

* , 

posed by this resolution to procure them. I am not willing to trust the 
Committee on Manufactures, as now organized, with the power of making 
those inquiries ; better have no investigation, and depend upon the lights 
of our own experience, than be fatally misled. In searching for facts, 
let us beware of false facts. If we desire to enter the haven safely, let 
us take pilots whose interest or enmity will not drive us upon the beach. 
I cannot give my vote to entrust this responsible and important duty to 
the Committee on Manufactures. 

It is no small part of our legislative rights that this resolution asks 
shall be given them. Under an ingenious construction of the Constitu- 
tion, power can be found in it to do almost anything, in the name of the 
House of Kepresentatives of the United States ; it can command the 
attendance of witnesses, whether for real or pretended examination, and 
institute an inquisitorial scrutiny into accounts and papers. In many 
ways it can, if it will, encroach upon the rights and property of citizens. 
Kor is this all. Admitting no individual rights were violated ; I ask if^ 
it is, as now composed, two-thirds of its members having prejudged, 
representing constituents loudly clamorous for protection ; I ask, is it the 
proper committee to undertake this inquiry? It is truly and emphati- 
cally a committee for protection. Let us look into the districts of a 
majority of the members. The honorable chairman (Mr? Saltonstall) 
has, in the two counties which he is set down in the Congressional Direc- 
tory as representing, 19,567 persons engaged in manfactures and trades. 

[Here Mr. Saltonstall inquired of Mr. Wood what portion of them 
were engaged in mechanics, and what portion in trading. He said his 
district w^as commercial, agricultural, and navigating, and that he pre- 
mised the gentlemfin from New York (Mr. W.) was mistaken in his 
district.] 

Mr. Speaker, for the counties composing the gentleman's district, I 
quote from the Congressional Directory, furnished to this House by its 
officers, and for the statistics from the sixth census, recently taken. I 
presume the authority is good — it has never before been questioned. The 
next member is the gentleman from Rhode Island, Mr. [Tillixghast] 
In the county of his residence, (Providence,) I find there are 14,302 per- 
sons engaged in manufactures and trades, although its whole industrial 
population, including all employments and professions, is but 24,645. 
The gentleman and one colleague represent the whole State, in- which 
there are but five counties. So in truth he is the representative of, it is 
safe to estimate, in all, at least double that number. The next on the 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 8t 

committee is the gentleman from New Jersey, [Mr. Randolph.] . Him- 
self and five colleagues are elected by general ticket. He has no district. 
The whole State had 27,004 engaged in manufactures and trades, which, 
- giving him one-sixth, make him the representative of over 4,500. 

We come now, sir, to the distinguished advocate of high protection 
and Abolition, the gentleman of Vermont, (Mr. Slade.) He is set down 
as representing Rutland and Addison counties, which have, together, 
2,232 of the same class. The fifth is my colleague from Rensselaer 
county, (Mr. Hunt,) who has 4,787 in his district. The sixth is the gen- 
tleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Henry,) who represents 2,G12. There 
are but nine members on the committee. The branches of industry and 
principal business of the constituency of six of them, are here shown. 
They are gentlemen elected to this House by manufacturing districts, 
for the avowed purpose of procuring from Congress a high tariff for 
protection. They are fully committed to the advocacy of such a law. 
Had they not been, their seats would now have other occupants. They 
could not have been elected holding opinions adverse to the opinions of 
their people. Those opinions have been repeatedly expressed, accom- 
panied by uncompromising demands of protection. I repeat, therefore, 
this is a committee of protection — for an ultra high tariff. 

Now, sir, is this the proper medium through which to collect the 
necessary information to guide us to a fair, equal and wise disposition 
of the tariff question ? It is not ! A large majority of its members 
would go into the investigation, with interests and prejudices misleading 
their judgments and controlling their decisions. Local preferences 
would be consulted. The political power which created and can destroy, 
would have the preponderance. That comprehensive view of this wide- 
spread country, with its diversified and delicate interests, could not be 
taken. All classes and occupations would not alike be called upon for 
evidence ; nor would the evidence collected receive dispassionate consider- 
ation. A report would be made to us and go forth to the country, with 
all the authority of a Congressional document, with false inductions from 
doubtful facts. Is the House prepared to give this power to the men 
who ask it ? — to place in the custody of the representatives of one class 
the vital interest of all other classes. Will the people support us in it 
if we do ? I think not. The gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Tilling- 
hast) tells us the power is safely entrusted, for we give it to honorable 
men. It may be so. I question no man's honor ; but has the honorable 
gentleman forgotten that the most beautiful object in nature will appear 



88 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

hideous if seen through a jaundiced yision? How often have men's 
passions made the brightest truth seem to them the foulest falsehood ? 
"Who does not remember the error, misery, and bloodshed, which have 
been perpetrated in the world by counsels that had prejudged ? Or is 
the judicature of the holy inquisition forgotten, whose victims passed 
through the form and ceremonies of trial, before judges, who, out of their 
own evidences, adjudged the innocent to torture ? But, that the applica- 
tion be more direct, who would willingly submit a cause at common law 
to the decision of a jury of opponents ? or what member of this House 
would like his general veracity tested by the testimony of personal 
enemies ? 

The case is plain. The Committee on Manufactures are one-sided 
and partial. We must have an unbiassed investigation or none. We 
want light, not darkness ; and, sir, it is not the evil which may be 
inflicted now, the erroneous opinions that may spring up in an honest 
community at this time, or the improper turn to be given to present 
legislation, that excites all my fears. I look to posterity. It is our 
duty to the " generations which come after us," not to hang out false 
lights. Legislators are wedded to precedents and the quotations of au- 
thorities. Hand not down to our children the record of their fathers 
prostituting everything to mammon. This report would become a por- 
tion of our parliamentary history, and go to the world and after ages as 
a statement of facts with warranted inference. It will gain force by 
time. Hereafter, when years may have obliterated the data by which to 
expose its fallacies, it will become, if not an absolute law, certainly a 
powerful weapon with which to perpetuate the evil now effected. These 
are important considerations. 

But, Mr. Speaker, suppose the objections here urged against the 
present character of the committee cease to operate by changing its 
members. Let us imagine it freed from the charges I bring — in all 
things irreproachable and unimpeachable, without prejudice, interest, or 
passion. Is there time at this cession to perform the work ? There is 
not. Witnesses are to be summoned from beyond the White Mountains 
in the East — from the Texian border in the South — the frozen regions 
of the North, and the forests and priaries of the West — American citi- 
zens, alike interested in our impost system of taxation, are to be drawn 
from their homes, separated by more than a thousand leagues. Innumer- 
able questions of detail, as well as general principles, are to be asked 
■ptactical merchants from different seaports. An almost incredible 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 89 

amouut of commercial intelligence is necessary to commence the basis of 
the proposed structure, and it can only come from the enlightened of 
those who have learned by experience. This is a wide field of investi- 
gation, demanding careful and exact inquiry. The manufacturers have 
much to impart ; they have honest differences upon cardinal points, which 
should be entertained and reconciled; their several classes are to be 
consulted. The agriculturists would have mighty claims upon our atten- 
tion : this noble art is cultivated in our country by near*four million 
inhabitants, whose rapidly increasing prosjDcrity begins to look for out- 
lets in foreign markets. Of all the avocations of man, tilling the soil 
is most legitimate, and in accordance with his nature. It should be 
guaranteed the full earnings of his labor, and the imposition of indirect 
taxes be freed from unequal exactions. 

Is it possible to thoroughly perform this duty in the most extended 
time allowable at this session? How long do the majority intend to 
keep us at the Capitol ? Keference was made yesterday to the report of 
Mr. Hume to the British house of Commons. It is argued that that 
report had been the work of far less time than was necessary in our 
instance. I am glad the advocates of this resolution have alluded to 
that precedent. If they are so chained to the examples of British legis- 
lation, I wish them more judgment in then* selections. For myself, I 
repudiate the policy of drawing upon English habits and English customs, 
whether social or political. I desire that some of these days we nlay 
become less dependent and menial. I know it is said, by the friends of 
Britain upon this side of the Atlantic — and she has many — that our 
interests are inseparable. I deny it. The true interest of America is 
to sever all connection with the worn-out and rotten monarchies of 
Europe — to be as independent in her pecuniary relations as she is glori- 
ously independent in her political relations. As she rests upon no nation 
on earth to assist her in maintaining and carrying out the undying truths 
of Democracy, so should she rest on no nation on earth in assisting 
her in the simple walks of Kepublican legislation. We have the examples 
set us by the able and patriotic sires of their country. Our own few 
Congressional archives will furnish guides enough for the full delibera- 
tion of laws adapted to freemen. When we go back again to bondage, 
I will not complain of gentlemen who seek to adopt the rules of b(»ndsmen 
to the abeyance of freed men. But Mr. Hume's report has been referred 
to. I accept the issue. What are the particulars of its history ? On 
the 6th of May, 1840, by a resolution of the House of Commons, a select 



90 . LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMIXISTEATION OF 

committee was appointed, on motion of Mr. Hume, " to inquire into the 
several duties levied on imports into the United Kingdom, and how far 
those duties are for protection to similar articles, the product of manu- 
facture of this (Great Britain) country, or of the British possessions 
abroad, or whether the duties are for the purposes of revenue alone ; and 
to report the minutes of evidence taken, to the House." Upon this com- 
mittee were nine of the most prominent and able members of the Com- 
mons, at the head of which was Mr. Hume, the author of the proposition. 
I have no data of the day upon which it entered upon its duties, but 
suppose, as the session had far advanced, it commenced immediately. 
Twenty-nine witnesses were examined, each of whom was a resident of 
Loudon; not a man was summond from beyond the precincts of the 
capitol. Those who gave testimony were at the door ; but few practical 
men underwent exammation, and in no instance was the investigation 
lengthy or full. Notwithstanding these favorable circumstances to a 
short and speedy termination, the sittiags were continued until the 6th 
of August, precisely three mouths from the day of commencement. Nor 
were the committee satisfied they had accomplished the objects of their 
creation. We have the recorded minutes to show they were not. Ai 
the last meeting, when the report was formally decided upon, Sir 
C Doug'lass, a member, offered the following amendment : " To strike om 
all after the first word of the report, and insert : ' the evidence, although 
partial and limited, is of so various and valuable a character, that your 
committee do not feel they should be justified in expressing any opinion 
founded on the expressions it is calculated to create. Your committee 
consider that further information ought to = be afforded, before they can 
make any recommendation as the result of their labors, and consequently 
they do not hesitate to suggest the reappointment of a committee, early 
in the ne^^t session, to continue the investigation of this important sub- 
ject.' " And in the report, as finally adopted and presented to the House, 
I find an admission that, " owing to the period of the session at which 
the inquiry was begun, the committee have not been able to embrace 
all the several branches which come within the scope of their instruc- 
tions." If gentlemen can find encouragement here to vote a similar 
proposition under auspices as far adverse to the procuration of reliable 
results as can well be, then their confidence in miracles is much greater 
than my- own. Mr. Hume's committee set three months, in which it 
examined twenty-nine witnesses, every man of whom was within an 
hour's call, and finally made an admitted ex parte report, without having 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 91 

touched " several branches which come within the scope of their instruc- 
tions." Now, sir, how long would it take our Committee on Manufac- 
tures, whose witnesses must be called from far-distant sections of our 
empire, and whose inquiries must embrace the feelings) views and predi- 
lections of people as opposite in sentiment as they are distant in geo- 
graphical position ? If the London investigation took three months, 
how long ought ours, pro rata 7 Further argument upon this point 
would be an insult to your understandings. It is obvious there is not 
time to carry out this scheme properly, were it possible to do so with 
such a committee, and make a report for action at this session of Con- 
gress. Dog days would be upon us before these gentlemen's gathered 
light would throw its rays upon this benighted body, and it would be 
really August when their august dignities were prepared to render an 
account of their stev/ardship. 

Mr. Speaker, my friend from Tennessee (Mr. Brown) who addressed us 
yesterday, informed the House that the committee (of which he is a worthy 
member, and to his credit let me add, is opposed to this imprudent request,) 
have been already receiving volunteer information. They have been 
anticipating our action by opening the doors of their comm.ittee-room 
to the swarms of hungry applicants for favor who invest this city. I 
know not by what authority this is done. But with authority or not, 
it cannot influence my opinions. If it is volunteer testimony they require, 
I doubt not it will be supplied. Every mail from the East is loaded with 
circulars and letters from parties having dollars and 'cents at stake. 
Where direct advantage follows the enactment of laws, there is no lack 
of disinterested patriotism to volunteer assistance. The doctrine of free 
trade is called an abstraction ; if so, he gives no prospects of practical 
personal gain, and, therefore, has few energetic, spirited advocates, who 
will travel hundreds of miles to the Capitol, to enforce upon law-makers 
its truths. ' The volunteer assistance procured by the committee will 
come from the disinterested patriotism of thoee who desire the prohibition, 
by high duties, of the commodity which they themselves manufacture. 

One other objection. This investigation, if instituted, should be by 
joint commission of both Houses. We are joint in action ! — dependent 
upon each other in the final passages of laws. The information is as 
necessary for the Senate as ourselves. It is not my purpose to detain 
the House longer with arguments against this resolution. I have already 
said more than was my intention at rising, but less than I believe the 
subject demands, I have attempted to show . (with what success the 



92 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

House will decide) that au impartial and an instructive report, really 
useful as a guide to our legislation, cannot follow the deliberations and 
searchings of this committee — that it is one-sided, and has prejudged 
the case upon which it desires to act the umpire — that there is not 
time, were it without these objections. 

Mr. Speaker, if I were to follow the example of some learned gentlemen, 
members of this House, I would now proceed and discuss the merits of 
the tariff question. But believing such deviation from " order" is '• better 
iu the breach than the observance," I shall withhold. At the proper 
time, when the great question is legitimately before us, I hope to be 
allowed to give my views. Then I shall attempt its discussion in every 
one of its multiplicity of phases. In advance, I beg leave to give notice 
that w^hen a bill is reported, I shall, to the extent of my ability, impress 
upon the House the following points : — 

1st. Special laws, granting exclusive privileges, or cncouragment to particular 
classes or professions, are unequal, and consequently unjust, and in violation of 
the genius of our institutions, and of the Constitution. A protective tariff is of 
this class. 

2d. Protective duties are high duties hxid upon foreign products, whether man- 
ufactured or raw, to prevent their importation at prices less than the same pro- 
ducts of our own country, and must, to be effectual, be mostly prohibitory. Xow, 
as the impost system of taxation was originally adopted to raise revenue to de- 
fray national expenditures, and as a high tariff is an abolition of revenue, some 
other mode of taxation must be devised. What shall that mode be ? 

3d. But if a tariff for protection was consistent with a tariff for revenue, and 
both would follow the same regulation of imposts, yet would it be suicidal to 
commerce. For if it is true that decreased importations, by the operation of an 
increased duty, will pay the same revenue, yet commerce suffers ; additionally 
from the fact, that the excluded nations would seek out other buyers, and of 
course other markets for purchase. 

4th. A hiirh duty is a tax upon the consumer to the amount of duty paid upon 
the foreign article,, and whi!st,it increases the price of the home-made article to 
that of the foreign, yet in the former instance (the home-made) the increased 
price goes into the pockets of manufacturers, and not into the Treasury ; there- 
fore, if the object of protection was fully attained, of excluding the competition 
of foreign commodity, and supplying its place solely with home-made, the seven- 
teen millions of consumers would be extra taxed, over and above the necessary 
expenses of Government, for the benefit of the less than eight hundred thousand 
engaged in manufactures and trades. 

5th Protection is injurious to manufactures. It restricts its market to home 
consumption, for other nations will retaliate the pohcy of exclusion, and if they 
do not, the enhanced price of our manufactures would prevent their competing 



HON, FERNANDO WOOD, 93 

with other countries ; and would raise a vigorous, speculating competition at 
home, which would destroy the present progressive prosperity by inducing to 
enter the business, men without principle or fortune. 

6th. Commerce is the greatest protection to manufactures, and high duties are 
destructive of commerce. For high duties discourage importations, induce 
other nations to turn to manufacturing, which before were content to purchase 
by exchange of raw materials ; encourage smugghng and other evasions "of the 
revenue laws ; cause similar restrictions upon our productions of the soil, and 
onerous port charges and vexatious maritime regulations, 

7th. The protective policy is hostile to the prosperity and good condition of 
the laboring manufacturer. It is an extended commerce, which co-equally ex- 
tends the field of labor, a free, untrammelled interchange of commodity with the 
whole universe, and the entire absence of all legislative interference or bounties, 
that labor will find its best reward, and industry its best protection. 

8th. The spirit of the age is tending toward free trade. The nations of 
Europe have recently become anxious inquirers into its political and social ad- 
vantages. The general assimlation of customs regulation, the mutual depend- 
ence of an unfettered intercourse, the beautiful and harmonious working of a 
system beyond the control of ambition or avarice, would in time bind mankind 
in bonds of "amity, good will, and peace," driving war and famine forever from 
the world. 

Note. — After Mr. Wood had concluded, Mf. Wilhams of North Carolina (Whig) 
moved the resolution do lie upon the table ; which motion, on the next morning, 
was put and carried, by 108 to 79. 



94 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OP' 



SPEECH OF MAYOR WOOD m CONGRESS, 

ON THE 

NAVY APPROPRIATION BILL. 
Delivered May 20, 1842. 

The House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the UnioU) 
and having under consideration the bill making appropriations for the 
naval service for the year 1842 — 

Mr. Wood rose and addressed it, in substance, as follows : 

Mr. Chairman : The committee will remember that, on yesterday, the 
House resolved, on motion of the honorable chairman of the Committee 
of Ways and Means, to take this bill out of committee, and close debate 
thereon, on Monday next at 1 o'clock. The committee will also remem- 
ber that, though it has been befbre us longer than a week, and though 
it contains twenty-nine sections, and proposes an appropriation of nearly 
eight millions of dollars, we have not as yet closed the debate upon the 
first section. In pursuance of the resolution adopted by the House, but 
two days remain to discuss the twenty-eight sections not approached. 
I submit it to gentlemen, whether it is possible to do justice to the ex- 
amination which these numerous details, not yet reached, require, within 
so ^hort a period. For myself, I cannot vote understaudingly upon them, 
with the little information now before me. Without reasons more cogent 
than any thus far oifered, my vote shall be found recorded in the nega- 
tive. I have listened attentively to the chairman of the Committee on 
Naval Affairs, (Mr. Wise,) and to the gentleman from Massachusetts, 
(Mr. Cushing.) who appe*s as first lord of the admiralty ; and I respect- 
fully deny that either, with all his ability and ingenuity, has adduced 
arguments suiSciently exculpatory of the largeness and extravagance of 
this appropriation. 

Declamation and oratorical flourishes about the glories of the American 
navy cannot induce me to give support to a profligate expenditure of 
the public money. I desire reliable facts; figures, and official statements — 
something tangible, addressed to reason, and not the fancy. Since the 
establishment of this Government, there never existed a greater necessity 
for close investigation and care in voting away revenue, than the present ,■ 



HON"* FERNANDO WOOD. 95 

yet we see bouorable members ready to vote, without discussion or ex- 
amination, every dollar asked of them. The haste with which it is sought 
to close this debate, and in a moment part with an amount which, under 
preceding administrations, constituted one-thu'd of the whole annual 
expenditure, is evidence in behalf of this remark* 

Have gentlemen reflected upon the responsibility they assume in yield- 
ing assent to a demand so unwarranted ? Have they looked into the 
enormous executive requisitions upon our table, and made comparisons 
with those from the same source under the late much-vilified regime ? 
I opine not. What do facts tell us ? The Secretary of the Navy has, 
in his annual report, estimated that the necessary outlays of his depart- 
ment for the year 1842 will be — 

For the naval service - - $8,213,287 23 

" marine service -- 502,292 60 

8,715.571) 83 
To this add the unexpended balance remaining to 

the credit of the department - 2,965,594 96 

11,681.174 79 
Congress have already voted for an iron steamer * 500,000 00 

Various bills reported from the Committee on 
Naval Affairs, estimated 500,000 00 

12,681,174 79 
To which may be added the home squadron appro- 
priation of last session --*----- 789,000 00 

$13,470,174 79 

Now, how does this amount bear comparison with the sums estimated 
for, and appropriated by, the Democratic party when in power ? I will 
take the four years of Mr. Yan Buren's administration. The official 
reports made to Congress show the following sums as estimates and 
appropriations : 

Estimates. Appropriations. 

1837, ' - - 15,513,721 00 - - $5,679,021 00 

1838, - - - 5,185,124 91 - - - 4,135,270 00 

1839, - - - 4,776,125 64 - - - 4,776.125 64 

1840, - - ^ 4,647,820 00 * - - 5,762,120 00 

Total, 20,122,791 55 20,352,536 64 



96 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

Here it will be seen that the highest estimate for either of the four 
years was in 1837 — the year in which the explormg expedition was fitted 
out, at an expense of about 8500,000 ; and, notwithstanding that charge, 
it amounted to but $5,513,721— being $3,201,858 83 less than the esti- 
estimate for the present year. But, if this large diflerence exists 
in the estimates, how much larger will be the difference in the actual 
appropriations, if the committee and the House pass the bill now pre- 
sented ! The largest appropriation made for any one year of the last 
administration was in 1840, and amounted to but $5,762,120 ; whereas 
I have shown that, with the-bills already passed, the bill before us, the 
estimate of the Secretary, and the unexpended balance, there will have 
been appropriated, this year, $13,470,174 79 — an excess of $7,708,- 
054 79, and thirteen^twentieths of- the Yan Buren four years. 

The amount demanded is equal to the whole sum expended for both 
army and navy in any one of the last five years. I cannot vote for it. 
I cannot give my support, humble and inefficient as it may be, to this 
rapid progress towards the accumulation of a public debt, from which 
it will be impossible to recover. T cannot give my support to the rear- 
ing, in this home of simple republicanism, a powerful and sjalendid navy, 
witii all its paraphernalia of pomp and tyranny. I could not return to 
an honest and truly Democratic constituency, after having aided in a 
system of profligate squandering; especially when the deficit is to be 
drawn principally from the earnings of their industry. Hereafter, should 
it become my province to denounce (as it will be the duty of every good 
citizen) the enormous expenditures of the patriots now in power, I cannot 
give them the privilege of pointing to my vote as having aided in the act. 

Sir, if the condition of our foreign relations bore a threatening aspect, 
and danger of collision was anticipated from any quarter, no man sooner 
than myself would prepare and do battle for defense. The unanimoms 
voice of my people would be heard first in behalf of invigorating the 
maritime army. The only sentiment which could raise in my breast, if 
tlie position of pending negotiations were such as to leave '•' a hinge to 
hang a doubt upon," as to the speedy and amicable arrangement of all 
questions at issue, would be to arm, and "to arms" — " millions for defense, 
but not one cent for tribute." 

But it is not contended that war is probable. Xo gentleman has 
advocated this bill upon that ground. The honorable Secretary has 
not proposed the increase predicated upon the slightest fears of difficulty 
with England. Nothing has been said in this debate, giving color to 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD, 97 

the idea that an increase of the navy is necessary in anticipation of any 
Buch event. It appears to be generally conceded that this is to be exclu- 
sively a permanent peace establishment. Nor are there causes for appre- 
hension of war. Great Britain will not attempt the subjugation of 
the American prowess. It has nQver been her policy to declare hostili- 
ties against the brave, the powerful, and the just, when diplomacy or 
corruption of honor by gold could reach the negotiating officer and 
obtain her object. So long as Daniel Webster wields the Department of 
State, and holds within his grasp the thoughts and the will of the pliant 
Executive, so long will the peace of this country be maintained, if with 
England is the only contention. Her policy will seek other means of 
preserving peace and obtaining her desires than by the cannon and the 
sword. Experience has taught her that here are to be found, not imbecile 
Chinamen — not enervated ludiamen — not tyrant-ridden Europeans — but 
men in the full growth of intellectual and physical manhood ; who, when 
in embryo and comparatively powerless, stood up in two contests, un- 
shrinkingly and successfully against her overgrown might. She knows 
we were refractory in childhood, and have never repented the contu- 
macy : on the contrary, when what she conceived to be Wholesome chas- 
tisement has been attempted, we have turned upon the parental assailant 
with other than filial mercy. For this we have not been forgiven ; nor 
do we ask forgiveness. It is true, we are a sprout from her trunk ; but 
we have grown a. rival tree : we claim with her a common origin ; but, 
thank God, we are not linked to a common fate : we will perpetuate her 
language, and all that is ennobling in her virtues and glorious in her in- 
stitutions : but trample under our feet her threats, defy her prowess, 
repudiate her vices, and, if bloody strife ensues, sink into oblivion the 
last foothold of her trans- Atlantic power. 

Mr. Chairman, now is the time to enlarge the navy ? The wheels of 
Government but yesterday stood still, and the machinery of the Execu- 
tive was stopped, for the want of a small pittance wherewithal to pro- 
ceed. A permanent debt, heretofore unknown to the present generation, 
has been, within a twelvemonth, fastened upon us by the party in office. 
But yesterday, the public faith was hawked up and down Wall and 
Chestnut streets, an humble suppliant to British Capitalists for favor. 
Pecuniary dishonor — the first since the establishment of an American 
mint — has been permitted to, visit and rest upon our escutcheon. Out 
of money, out of credit, embarrassed and financially disgraced — is this 
the chosen opportunity to appropriate the millions asked ? The vicious 

1 



98 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADinNISTRATION OF 

banking system having spread its evils through the land, our industry is 
borne dovrn by oppressions which paralyze every sinew of production. 
The gi-eat bubble of extended credit-system, created and upheld as it was 
by the credit party, has exploded over our heads with terrible devasta- 
tion ; making a wreck of fortune, character, and life, and sinking the 
iron deep into the bosom of the wife and mother. With the yeomanry 
and trading population, " chaos is come again" — man looks upon his fel- 
low as a foe. Self-preservation and interest are now the predominant 
springs of action. The biting want of maintenance has driven the mind 
to expedients for a sustenance, as it has taught a lesson in economy 
which force, that unyielding tutor, has driven him to practise. Men 
have realized want. It is no longer an unpleasant day-dream reverie, 
arising upon the vision in crossing the path of the tattered mendicant ; 
but has become a painful reality, from which there is no escape by pass- 
•ng on. Eetrenchment and reform is now the domestic economy of the 
American people ; and be assured, sir, the time is not far off when it 
will be the irpolitical economy. The time is not far off— for it is now ! 
The people of this country 7iotv demand, through their Representatives, 
% reduction of the public expenses. They call upon that party, and 
\hose men, some of whom have the full control of the executive branch, 
and others of the legislative • branch, to carry out in practice a general 
system of contraction. They ask it at your hands. They say, '•' We will 
not revert to the oft-repeated promises and solemn pledges with which 
you made the air of 1840 vocal ; nor will we tell you of the professions 
for our own prosperity, which, without stint and without bounds, were 
lavished upon our credulous ears. Let them pass. It is true, the 
odious sub-treasury times were the heydays of thrift, compared with 
the present gloom which our " generous confidence" has given us. 
But of this, no matter. Our own folly has produced much of our 
own distress ; but to the Government we look, not to put money in our 
pockets — not to enact laws by which idleness may get rich and labor be 
defrauded — not to lend its aid in the re-establishment of a cormorant 
monopoly, which, like the locusts of Eygpt, will overshadow the land 
with its pestilential progeny : we look to it to contract its power, to 
reduce its expenses, and to cleanse its abuses. These are of the thousand 
reforms so loudly promised us ; and having given you the power — the 
full and absolute control of the law-making power — we call upon you 
for action, speedy and efficient action. It is no answer to say you have 
fallen out among yourselves ; that, in the struggle for the mastery of the 



aoN. FERNANDO WOOD. ^"0 

??poiIs, tlie Executive has been separated from the Legislature ; that, 
without harmonious action for both, nothing can be accomplished ; and 
that your President is a traitor, or that your ex-legislative leader is a 
dictator. Of your criminations and recriminations we know nothing. 
By your joint and combined advice and proffers, we drove the late incum- 
bents from power, placing ycru joint and combined in their stead; and, 
in your joint, combined, as well as individual character, we hold you 
responsible." This, sir, already is the language of the people. How is 
it met ? In what have their expectations been realized, and your pledges 
redeemed ? Where has been furnished the evidence of the so violently 
denounced Florida war corruptions ? Where are the proofs of the Exe^ 
cutive malpractices ? Where the slightest testimony of a single profli^ 
gate expenditure ? And whK) are the thieves and peculators in high 
places, which, so soon after getting the reins, you intended to identify ? 
Give us the record ; produce the data. It cannot be done. These vile 
charges, like the viler inventors, have xsunk into silent insignificance. 
The brains which conceived them, and the tongue which gave them 
utterance— though still following tJbeir Wonted avocation of abuse by 
calumniating each other — have not the hardihood to reiterate, or the 
slightest proof to adduce in substantiation of a single slander. That 
part of Whig promises cannot be performed. Not so as to the retrench-^ 
ment of expenses. There is no impediment to a full compliance in this 
particular. Coming into office with at least forty majority in this 
House, and nine in the other^ — with the President and heads of the 
departments — no obstacle presented itself. Why has it not been done ? 
Why has it not been proposed ? You have the power, and there exists 
the necessity. The expenditures are too great ; they are far beyond 
the simplicity compatible with the Eepublic, and very far beyond what 
is compatible with the present means of defraying. 

Retrenchment is the order of the day in private life-; why shouM it 
not be the practice of those who are honored with stations in public 
life ? You have held power over a twelvemonth, during which Congress 
has been in session nine months ; and no retrenchments worthy the name 
proposed or adopted. It is true the honorable gentleman from Virginia, 
[Mr. Gilmer,] to whom much praise is due, early jn last session moved 
a committee for some such purpose ; but no measures have yet been of* 
fered, save what relates to our own franking privilege and mileage, 
which, although commendable reforms, are minor, indeed, compared with 
the overshadowing cost of this Government, I desire good faith upon 



100 LIFE ANi) PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

this part of Whig promises. Why are not efforts made for a compile 
ance ? The treasury is empty — the credit of the country prostrate ; and 
yet nothing is said of a reduction of outlays. The last Democratic 
Congress voted you five millions to commence with ; at the extra session 
you voted an additional twelve millions, as a permanent loan ; and at 
this session another five millions — making, in all, twenty-two millions in 
less than a year ; and yet pennyless and bankrupt, and a daily crying 
give ! give ! give ! Why, instead of the lamentations of the chairman 
of the Committee of Ways and Means over the lack of funds to replen- 
ish our exhausted treasury, have we not substantial bills of retrenchment 
and reform, which will lop off the causes of our distress? The people 
do so. It is not their practice, when involved in embarrassments, with 
burdens greater than their income, to borrow, borrow, borrow. They 
retrench — that is the first principle of their domestic economy ; and I 
mistake them if they will not exact similar economy of their public ser- 
vants. A¥hat would be thought of that man, in private life, who, a 
creditless debtor, kept up a splendid establishment, without apparently 
knowing he could not afford it ? But who would pronounce him honesty 
if sane, if such a one made voluntary bequests of one-tenth of his whole 
income ? You have done this : while an avowed bankrupt — with expen- 
ditures greater than receipts — you gave away the proceeds of the public 
lands, averaging three millions annually. This is only the suicidal policy 
of knaves. Surely " he whom the gods wish to destro}^ they first make 
mad." Sir, the expenses of this Government are as far beyond what, 
under a proper system, would be necessary, as they are beyond our abilty 
to support. This fact was fully established by the twenty-sixth Con- 
gress. That Congress, though repudiated by the people, who thought 
best to substitute a hard cider Congress, was satisfied of this fact. Its 
acts prove this remark. It made great progress in the work of reform, 
commencing in the right way and in the right quarter. It reduced the 
emoluments of the collectors of our large seaport cities to an amount 
within the bounds of reason ; but yet leaving them far beyond, in my 
opinion, a sufficient recompense. The collector of New York, who, un- 
der the old law, considered himself poorly paid if his salary and perqui- 
sites netted less than -twenty thousand dollars, was limited to six. The 
postmaster at New York, whose yearly income had grown from five to 
over twenty thousand, was reduced and limited to five thousand dollars. 
The district attorney and marshal also came within the pruning-hook. 
Here was serious retrenchment. Hundreds of thousands of dolloi-s an- 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 101 

nually were thus brouglit iuto the coffers of the nation, which had previ- 
ously been the pay of public officers. 

Thus has the example been given you by the Democratic Congress 
which you have so much animadverted upon. Why not follow in its 
footsteps ? Why not go and continue this work ? jSToue can question 
the policy — nay, justice to the tax-payers. It must be done, sooner or 
later, or national degradation will surround us. A Democratic Congress 
commenced it in good faith, which its successors promised should be con- 
tinued and perfected. And it was but commenced ! 

Sir, I have taken some trouble to look into the yearly cost of carrying 
on this Government for the last twenty years ; and am convinced that, 
estimating it at present at twenty-five millions, there is room for striking 
off at least one-fifth, leaving it at twenty millions. Indeed, Senators, 
whose long experience in public life and whose ability to judge of these 
matters qualify them thereto, have asserted that sixteen or seventeen 
millions would be sufficient. I would take the estimate of twenty mil- 
lions, which my examination assures me will leave every department in 
full vigor. 

To do so, I would propose reductions in the following branches of 
the public service, which a close examination of the whole subject has 
convinced me can be done without detriment : 
From the mileage of members of Congress : 

Length of the sessions, one quarter. 

Contingent expenses of Congress. 

Expenses of the Judiciary department 

Salaries of the President and heads of the departments. 

Expense of intercourse with foreign nations. 

Home expense of State department 

Expense of Treasury department. 

Expense of collecting revenue, and light-house department. 

Expense of General Land Office, 

Expense of coining department. 

Expense of the War and connecting offices. 

Expense of the Department of War, including a reduction of the 
military establishment, &c. 

Expense of the Navy, including a general supervision of yards, 
purchases, abolition of Xavy Board, &c. 

Expense of Post Office department, including restriction of the 
franking privilege. 



102 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OP 

I would thus relieve the Treasury of millions, and not cripple a sineTr 
of defense, or impair the full efficiency of a single office. Nor is this 
all. I would bring in several hundreds of thousands of dollars annually, 
which would find their way into the pockets of the office-holders. I 
would bring into the Treasury all fees and emoluments received by the 
following officers, over and above a fair recompense for their services : 

Consuls abroad. 

Deputy postmasters. 

Marshals and attorneys. 

Eevenue-colleetors. 

Pursers. 

Navy-agents. 

Commissary General Purchases. 

Military store-keepers. 

Now, Mr. Chirman, holding these views, can my vote be expected for 
this bill ? I have shown by figures, which do not lie, that it is extrava- 
gant, unnecessary, and far beyond any appropriation for corresponding 
purposes made for the late Administration, when there was as much 
necessity. I have shown that not only is the sum proposed exorbitantly 
large, but that th-e Treasury is bankrupt, the tax-payere poverty-stricken, 
and the spirit of the people in favor of " retrenchment and reform." I 
have shown the already enormous useless expenditures, by pointing 
directly to them. 

But, sir, let us look a little further. Suppose the objections thus far 
urged were without existence. Let us imagine that the Treasury is full, 
and without indebtedness ; that the people are prosperous, and willing 
to bear additional burdens ; that extension, expansion, and prodigality 
characterized the age, and there were no existing evils of this character ; — 
would it be consonant with propriety and ccarect legislation to pass this 
bill ? I think not. It is not intended by the fathers of the Republic 
that upon their plain and unostentatious foundation should be built a 
gorgeous and powerful nation. They did not establish this pclitical 
community for conrjuest or plunder. It was no part of their design that 
posterity should rear, upon the corner-stone laid by their hands, a splen- 
did edifice of naval or military glory. Their policy was essentially 
peaceful. Meek and humble in spirit, they banded themselves for pro- 
tection, and for protection alone. The Union was a confe"deracy for 
mutual defense and preservation, and not to form a league, the consoli- 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 103 

dated strength of which could reduce nations, impart glorj, or make too 
strong the arm of the Executive. Simple and republican themselves, 
they sought to establish a Government thoroughly imbued with their 
own faith — one assuming no power not necessary, exerting no authority 
not required, antagonist to no principle of popular rights. Would a 
naval armament numbering its hundreds of ships and millions of tonnage, 
employing its thousand commanders, disbursing its millions on millions 
annually, and extending to an almost unlimited degree the already over- 
grown privileges of the President, who, by virtue of the Constitution, 
is " commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States," be 
consistent with simple republicanism ? It would not. But pass this bill 
as now before us, and the first step is taken ; the first stride towards con- 
solidation, Executive mastery, and an incubus of debt, is taken — irrevo- 
cably taken. 

Another objection : Ships, after construction, must be supported ; 
officers, men, supplies, and stores, must be furnished. The end is not 
with the cost of building. The keel is but laid for a continuous and 
never-ending expenditure. They must be kept afloat. If unemployed, 
they rot at the depots, and the whole is lost. The error once committed 
of saddling the country, in a time of peace and embarrassment, with a 
large floating naval world, you must go on appropriating annually a 
proportionably large amount to keep it sea-worthy and from falling fo 
decay. It is a permanent expenditure now presented to us. The aggi-e- 
gate of this bill, enormous as it is, will be less onerous than what will be 
necessary to preserve it from ruin. And, when once made, there can be 
no receding. As with State appropriations for internal improvement, 
you must go on ad infinitum., or all will be lost. 

Again : I find no provision in it, or in the several bills for the reor- 
ganization of the Navy Department reported by the committee on Naval 
ASairs, to remedy the evils of the present manner of procuring supplies. 
The door for corruption, which long practice, from the foundation of the 
navy to the present moment has opened, has not been closed. I would 
remedy this objection, before voting so large an amount. Under long- 
established usage, the navy agents are authorized to make open purchases, 
without contract, without agreement or supervision. A large portion 
of the material, and many heavy articles of stores used at the yards, as 
well as nearly the whole outfits of ships preparatory to sailing, are 
procured in this manner. These officers have permission to disburse 
hundreds of thousands annually, without check as to prices or quality. 



104 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMLJISTRATION OF 

They buy of whom they please, and at such prices as they please. I am 
not prepared to say that, of my own knowledge, there are malpractices ; 
but I do say, that if none have been, it was not for want of opportunity : 
we may thank the integrity of the officer, and not the strictness of the 
laws. 

Before placing at the disposal of the Secretary the millions compre- 
hended in this bill, I would supervise the laws regulating purchases. I 
would not, in these days of want and peculation, place in the power of 
any agent the opportunity of profiting ten and twenty per cent, by his 
disbursements. Every article should be supplied by contract. It should 
be the duty of the Secretary, or of the Board of Navy Commissioners, 
or the agent, to advertise for estimates in the public prints ; thus giving 
to every citizen an equal opportunity to benefit by this immense patron- 
age ; and incurring no loss to the Government from bad quality, high 
prices, and collusion between the officer and the factor, or merchant. But, 
Mr. Chairman, there is another consideration which, though not relating 
directly to either of the points thus far urged, is a subject for serious re- 
flection, and is equally applicable to every money-bill presented to the 
House. Is this the proper stage of the session to discuss and act upon 
bills to appropriate money ? Is it wise policy to make these large be- 
quests at this time, within a few weeks of the expiration of the sliding 
scale of the compromise act, without any adequate provision to insure 
revenue ; and, in fact, without a law to carry into effect the only exist- 
ing law which can give us a dollar ? The leaders of the Whig party in 
this House (the very men who are urging on these cormorant bestow- 
ments from an empty treasury) tell us that a high tariff is necessary for 
revenue ; and that, without a new law to take the place of the com- 
promise law, and without a general supervision of the whole subject, 
there will not be revenue enough to meet one-half the public expendi- 
tures. 

We are told that, to keep the wheels of Government in motion, it will 
be necessary to lay additional duties upon imports, and to settle upon a 
permanent basis this greatest of all questions. I ask whether, under the 
avowed condition of our collecting laws, it is wisdom \o pass this, or 
any bill for similar purposes, before some action is taken on the revenue 
bill ? Can it be the correct policy of Congress to go on appropriating, 
appropriating, appropriating, with empty coffers, an admitted want of 
laws to bring in and secure the usual fiscal income, and with a proba- 
bility of a heavy falling off of imports, under any rate of duties ? Cer- 



HON. FERNANDO 170 OD. 105 

taiuly Dot. "Were there no other objections this alone ought to pre- 
vent action at this stage of the session, or until the other and more im- 
portant business is disposed of. And is it not strange we find here men 
advocating measures so contradictory ; telling us, in one moment, that 
we must pass a high tariff, to preserve the nation from bankruptcy ; and 
in the next, proposing the most extravagant outlays ? Is it not singular 
consistency, to use the mildest phrase ? If it is true, as alleged by the 
high-tariff party, that.it will be impossible to carry on*the Government, 
under the lowest reduction of expenditure, without a material advance 
on the present rate of duties, why is it that, before action is had on the 
tariff question, so much anxiety is evinced to enlarge our appropriations ? 
Why are the gentlemen in such hot ha^te to make these heavy requisi- 
tions upon the public coffers ? 

Sir, I think the astute eye of prophesy is not necessary to divine the 
reason. I do not believe that any but a Talleyrand or a Metternich 
can unravel this seeming secret. In my humble conception of the rul- 
ing motives of men, the " why and the wherefore" is to be found in the 
same reason which made them bequeath to the States the public domain, 
without consideration and without cause. It was, to drive us by neces- 
sity to a high tariff, to fill up the vacuum thus made in our finances ; to 
force us, by appeals to national honor to preserve the national credit, to 
go with them in their unhallowed designs upon the rights and liberties 
of the people ; to give away our anticipated receipts, that means may 
be taken, through the operation of an increased tariff, to favor particu- 
lar interests at the cost of the tax-payer. It is for tliis we have syste- 
matic expansion, instead of the systematic contraction the times demand. 
Besides the tendency of Whig principles to inflation, as evidenced in 
every instance where they have obtained the power — besides their love 
for debt and detestation of liquidation — besides their contempt for every- 
thing locofocoish, as is the pay-up system, there are now at work other 
motives and other inducements. The expenses must be increased, be- 
cause there must be a deficit between revenue and disbursements. Hav- 
ing embarrassed and exhausted the finances, it is supposed the j eople 
will rise en masse in favor of devising a remedy, which they are prepared 
with in a high tariff, and thus accomplish, by a trick, that which they 
dare not ask for as a principle. 

I mistake very much if this is not the object hidden under the bill be- 
fore us. In fact, the veil of public necessity, with which it is sought to 
hide the scheme, is too flimsy to deceive the most unsuspecting. No 



106 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

party could drive so recklessly on, after the many protestations of reform, 
without some such intention. 

Mr. Cliairman, we are told that an increase of the ua^-y is advantage- 
ous to commerce, and that every member representing a commercial dis- 
trict is expected to support this bill. It has been said, by gentlemen who 
have advocated it, that the principal employment of our naval marine is 
to protect the commercial marine. The interests of the Eepresentatives 
from the Atlantic cities have been appealed to, to come forward in be- 
half of what they are told is the vitality of commerce. Sir, I am not. 
old, but yet too old to be caught by pretexts so weak. Could arguments 
like these (which, at best, are addressed to our interest, the most selfish 
of all legislative influences) afi'e(^ my vote, I should be incapable of per- 
forming the trust confided in me. I am yet to learn that in any quarter 
of the globe the ximerican shipping has suffered for the Y^•ant of Govern- 
ment protection. No cases have come to my knowledge where our flag 
has been insulted, or onr property destroyed or taken from us, because of 
a restricted navy, . There have been isolated instances of encroachments, 
but none that could have been obviated had every ship of war been a 
fleet. England and France, with the most extended navies in the world, 
have occasionally met obstacles to their trade. But the stars and stripes 
are a passport upon every sea to the hull and spar which bear them. 
Our bright bunting floats unmolested over the wide expanse of the 
ocean, for there are none so daring as to do it injury. Under its broad 
folds, legitimate trade is secure and respected. 

And were we liable to frequent losses for the want of the proposed 
increase, I am far i'rom being satisfied that, of the two evils — the passage 
of this bill, and the chances of occasional injury without it — the latter 
is not the least. Can it be advantageous to the city of New York to 
adopt a policy which drives us into a restrictive tariif ? If, by large 
drafts upon the Treasury, the necessity of additional duties is forced up- 
on us, commerce will undergo a diminution, because your mcreased duties 
will decrease importations. The foreign trade cannot thrive if legisla- 
tive impediments are thrown in the way of its free action. It is not 
reasonable that, where an exorbitant toll is demanded for ingress, that 
ingress will not diminish. It is a well-established axiom, that the im- 
position of higher duties upon imports immediately and seriously aSects 
the commercial trade ; hence the rallying-cry of a party not many years 
since in this country, of "free trade and sailors' rights." Therefore, 
admitting that an accession of a ship-of-war is required to protect our flag. 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 101 

it would be suicidal to protect it at a cost so gi-eat : better arm our 
merchantmen at private expense, for self-protection, than lay them up 
in ordinary, without employment. •Gentlemen had better use other 
arguments militating less against them. It is not wisdom in Congress 
to attempt to give protection to any branch of trade, when such protec- 
tion is only to be obtained by the inflicting of harm. In this instance 
the injmy would be twofold : first, to the interests intended to be the 
recipients of favor, second, to all other interests which are taxed for its 
support. 

There are other arguments which press themselves upon my notice ; 
but I fear the patience of the committee is already exhausted. I could 
go on elaborating the objections which are continually arising before me, 
but the allotted time for cutting off the debate, and the many other gen- 
tlemen who are anxious to be heard, warn me not to tresspass much 
farther. It is a grave topic, and admits of a wide range of discussion. 
At any time, in any condition of the Treasury, a bill to appropriate 
money involves important considerations. To vote money, is to expend 
the proceeds of taxation ; which is to part Avith that portion of the 
capital or results of industry which is bestowed upon the Government 
for its necessary disbursements. If the people are interested in the 
amount of taxation levied upon them, to a corresponding extent are 
they interested in its disposition. 

If the amount expended is drawn from the tax-payer, we are but his 
agents to appropriate his money for the maintenance of law and order. 
It is equally criminal to make lavish or impolitic use of it. I conceive 
that we would be as guilty of dereliction of good faith by complying 
with exorbitant behests from the executive departments, as if we put our 
own hands into the Treasury to fill our own pockets. -By the Constitu- 
tion, we are more the guardians of popular contributions than of the 
popular liberties. We are made the peculiar conservators of the money- 
power. It behooves us, therefore, to scan closely all requisitions. En- 
dowed as are the members of this House with the high privilege of re- 
presenting the great body of American freemen, it behooves us, 141 the 
plenitude of power, not to forget the poor tax-payer at home. 

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I beg leave to say that it is with regret 
that an imperative sense of duty has compelled me to address the com- 
mittee on this subject. It is with no little fear my position has been 
assumed. The almost overshadowing popularity of the navy, and its 
adaptation for American defence, connected with the recollection of the 



108 ' LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

glorious victories which crowned its success in the last war, made me 
feel I have been treading- on dangerous ground. Had my inclinations 
alone been consulted, my voice w^ould not have been heard ; but convic- 
tions, matured from deliberate reflection,. have prompted my tongue, and 
it has spoken. I regret to be thus seemingly placed in opposition to it ; 
but, at the sanle time, beg to be understood that it is to the unprece- 
dented increase at this time I object — not to the service. I object to 
this extravagant proposition, believing it to be impolitic, unnecessary, 
anti-republican, and premature. I am willing to vote the usual annual ' 
sum, and will go to the highest of either of Mr. Van Bruen's years ; but 
cannot give support to the bill as^ now before us, without material re- 
duction. 



REPORT OF MAYOR WOOD IN CONGRESS, 

ON 

NAYAL AFFAIRS. 

January 10, 1843. 

The Committee ou Naval Affairs,4o which was referred a report of the Secretary 
of the Navy, with accompanying documents, relating to dry and floating docks 
and the Brooklyn navy yard, called for by a resolution of the House of the 
19th December, beg leave to report : 

That they have given the subject the consideration which ifs import- 
ance demands. Dry docks attracted the attention of the Government 
at an early period. The Navy Department was established in April, 
1798, and the following December the Secretary officially expressed 
his strong conviction of their necessity. February 25th, 1799, a law 
passed both Houses of Congress, and received the sanction of the Presi- 
dent, authorizing the construction of two docks, and appropriating 
$50,000 for that purpose. December 15th, 1802, the President, (JeflFer- 
son,) in his message at the opening of Congress, strenuously urged the 
construction of docks, and in March, 1813, $100,000 was appropriated 
for a dock yard for repairing ships of war. These appropriations were 
not expended, owing, as is supposed, to the inadequacy of the sums voted. 



HON, FERNANDO WOOD, 109 

In 1814, the Secretary, in a communication to tlie chairman of the 
Naval Committee of the Senate, again urges the building of dry docks. 
In 1824, the Kavy Commissioners made similar recommendations. In 
1825, the Secretary, in a report to the Senate, enters fully into the 
advantages of dry docks, showing conclusively, that no navy yard should 
be without one, or its substitute : and, in 1826, in a communication to 
the House of Representatives, he says " that docks have become abso- 
lutely necessary for the prompt and speedy use of the vessels belonging 
to the navy." 

Every administration, since the creation of the navy, has given its 
sanction, either by the approval of laws or official recommendation, to 
the erection of docks and other necessary facilities for repairs. As yet 
but two dry docks have been buitt : the one at Charlestowi], the other 
at Norfolk. Either of these points is eminently entitled to it. The 
sites are excellent, and other advantages great. Previous to the com- 
mencement of these docks. New York was considered as the first posi- 
tion to be selected. The first survey made of ^the several points upon 
the Atlantic coast, which offered inducements for the establishing of 
navy and dock yards, placed that harbor among the most favorable. 
The report of the survey- made to the Deparemcnt in 1818, states that, 
" next to Boston, it is tde most suitable place for such an establishment, 
and one worthy of the attention of the Government as a naval depot." 

But opinions have varied as to the advantages of different sites within 
the waters of the harbor. Since the location of the yard, repeated at- 
tempts have been made to effect a change. The Secretary has, more 
than once within the last ten years, contemplated its removal to supposed 
more advantageous positions. To procure a better site for a dry dock 
has been among the motives given for desiring another situation. In 
May, 1835, Loammi Baldwin, Esq., was appointed by the Secretary "to 
make the necessary soundings and examination, and to ascertain whether 
any more advantageous site for a navy yard and dock presented itself 
within the harbor of New York." June 3, 1836, the House adopted a 
resolution calling for information, &c. ; in reply to which, the report of 
Colonel Baldwin was presented. February 23, 1837, the subject was 
again brought before the House by a resoultion requiring " examinations 
to be made of the various positions not heretofore examined Avithin the 
waters of New York and vicinity, which are adapted to the establish- 
ment and constrution of dry docks," &c. In pursuance of this resolution, 
Professor Reuwich, of New York, was appointed to make the e.^aniina- 



110 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADinNISTRAtiON OP 

tion. His report, made in December, 1837, was against the Brookl3?TA 
navy yard, and in favor of Constable's point, opposite New York, on the 
New Jersey shore. March, 1838, the result of an unoflficial survey, by 
Messrs. Swift and McNeill, civil engineers, in favor of Barn Island, 
was presented to the House. It gave great preference to that over any 
other site. In the same month a communication wbs laid before Con- 
gress from the navy Commissioners, in which the relative merits of 
Brooklyn, Constable's point, and Barn Island, are fully discussed. A 
decided preference is given to Brooklyn* The next and latest, and, it 
may be added, the most satisfactory examination, has been recently made 
at the instance of the present Secretary, who appointed Captains Con- 
ner and Shubrickj and Moncure Eobinson, Esq., as a commission for 
that purpose. Much care and labor wtis bestowed by these gentlemen 
in the discharge of the duty. Their report confirmed what had pre- 
viously been declared by Colonel Baldwin, that a more advantageous site 
than the present one was not to be found within the waters of New York 
harbor. Near ten years' agitation and investigation leave the matter 
precisely where it was found. The original selection was a proper one< 
It does appear that an attentive perusal of the reports which have so 
often been made would have long since precluded the supposition that a 
change was necessary. It is now, however, permautly settled. No 
further doubt need exist as to the permanency of the present j)Osition. 
It would be little less than folly or madness to adopt another. That the 
uncertain disposition of this question has operated against the erection 
of a dock in Brooklyn cannot be disputed. 

The citizens of New York and Brooklyn have frequently manifested 
their wishes in favor of some provision by the Government for the repair 
and coppering of ships of war. They have held public meetings and 
memorialized Congress, believing there was cause for complaint. It has 
been thought by them as little less than miraculous, that a naval station 
of its importance should remain neglected ; that a Government almost 
exclusively mercantile, whose defences and warfare were principally 
maritime, should have left its commercial emporium, for nearly a half 
century after the establishment of its navy, without a work so indispen- 
sable. Her tradesmen and mechanics have conceived themselves deprived 
of a portion of the public patronage and labor, which is due alike to 
all. The concentration of national employment at one or two favored 
points was looked upon as hostile to their interests, and not in keeping 
with the true interests of the country. 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD, 111 

It was deemed a grievance. ^ It may be said, these are not points for 
the consideration of the committee ; that the opinion and wishes of the 
immediate citizens of New York and Brooklyn arc entitled to no greater 
weight than a corresponding number at any other part of the Union ; 
that the construction of public works is paid for out of the National 
Treasury, and for which the whole people appropriate, and of the pro- 
priety of which the whole people are judges. But the people Of New 
Tork and Brooklyn, without doubting the soundness of these posi- 
tions in their general application, conceive their case an exception. 
Their reply is, that when any portion of the people, conscious of great 
advantages, believe that, in the distribution of patronage, a discrimina- 
tion is made against them, they have a right to be heard, and it is a fit 
subject for the deliberation of Congress ; that there is cause of com- 
plaint, not only of an individual wrong, but a national evil ; for a divi- 
sion of public employment " improves and augments our mechanics and 
artificers ; gives bread to a portion of the laboring classes ; induces the 
the improvement of our cities and navigable waters ; contributes to a 
more efficient and general defence of the places ; renders aur citizens 
more patriotic and contented with their Government, and, by the addi- 
tional interest which it gives them, more willing to defend it." Nor 
must it be forgotten that the navigating and ship owning interest of 
New York have a deep stake in the adequacy of the naval marine to 
protect the commercial marine. The harbor, filled with shattered and 
disabled ships of war, without means of repau', would ofier but slight 
resistance to hostile fleets upon our coast. Innumerable cases will sug- 
gest themselves, in which serious consequences may ensue, and the loss 
of public and private property be beyond the expense of many dry 
docks. 

As a naval station, New York has peculiar fitness, beside the extent 
of her comnierce. Her harbor is spacious and well fortified ; her chan- 
nels suSiciently deep and unobstructed ; her position central and com- 
manding ; and her advantages for the supply of materials and skilfull 
workmen unsurpassed, if equalled, in any other port. No local obstacle 
prevents ; and a longer continuance of the absence of some provision 
for the repair of ships of war would be as hazardous and detrimental 
to the property of the Government as it is unjust to her commercial 
interest. 

The largeness of a sum sufficient to build a dry dock there has attract- 
ed attention. To vote it at this time has elicited opposition. It can- 



112 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

not be denied that the exhausted condition of the Treasury presents a 
serious in- pediment. But there are occasions when the outlay of money 
will conduce to the advantage of the Government, even in a pecuniary 
sense. In any state of the Treasury, it is wise to erect works necessary 
to preserve existing works. It will not be asserted that it is impolitic, 
even under our present embarrassments, to vote such an expenditure. 
The present would seem an instance of this kind. It has been repre- 
sented that two ships of the line, the Washington and Franklin, now 
lying at the Brooklyn station, not moveable without heavy repairs and 
exepense, will require docking very soon, to save them from abandonment. 
The latter is a noble ship, which, by razeeing, could be made one of the 
finest frigates in the service. It would certainly be unwise to leave 
them in their present situation, fast falling to decay, without an effort 
to save them from a total loss. It can be done only by docking. The 
frigate Hudson, also lying there, has already been sacrificed. A survey 
was held upon her in November, 1841, and she was condemned as un- 
worthy of repairs. The Washington and Franklin, if much longer 
neglected, will most assuredly be placad on the same list. 

Much interest has recently been shown by the public in floating dry 
docks. It is contended that, in many respects, they -possess advantages 
over the excavated docks, besides the difference in cost and comparat i vely 
very short time required in building ; the latter of these considerations 
is ^essential, wiJth reference to saving the ships in Brooklyn. Fears are 
enteTtained that they would be lost before the expiration of the six or 
eight years required in building an excavated dock. Many gentlemen 
of intelligence, whose opinions are entitled to confident reliance, give 
the strongest assurance of their belief in the utility, safety, and superior 
advantages of floating dry docks, and have recommended the speedy 
construction of one at Brodklyu, to raise and repair the Washington- and 
Franklin. 

It can bs readily conceived that a proposition to construct a dock of 
this kind will be received v/ith alarm by those who have not given them 
careful investigation. It v.-ill be looked upon by many as an experiment, 
and fraught with danger. The idea will present itself, that an attempt 
is to be made to raise from their element our ships of war, each weighing 
thousands of tons, by the frail and uncertain aid of a wooden machine, 
slightly and insecurely constructed. Unsteadhiess, instability, and Nvant 
of durability, will at once appear insuperable objections. Upon attain- 
ment of knowledge of the principles and practical operation of the 



HON, FEilNAXDO WOOD. 113 

approved dock, it is confidently asserted, all such fears must vauish. 
As in all inventions, when first presented, prejudice is to be combated 
and beaten down before acquiescence in their utility or practicability 
can be obtained — there are men who, though ietelligent and honest, 
appear to be opposed to everything which did not come upon the stage 
before themselves, to whom innovations are as revolting as an attempt 
to change the Government or revolutionize the social system. As 
applicable to improvements in the navy, this hostility has been para- 
mount. Inventions of the first merit, promising economy of time and 
money, and the addition to existing usages of warfare of great facilities, 
have frequently been rejected. No branch of the public service more 
requires the application of the production of intellect, and in none is 
such obstinate resistance manifest. The world is following progress 
in its onward march to the amelioration of the condition and advance- 
ment of mankind ; the arts and sciences are being exerted for the 
simplification of mysteries which for centuries have slept in night, 
and the discoveries of philosophy are spreading their beneficent in- 
fluences over every movement of man. The governmental policy of 
the powerful of Euroqean nations has been forced into an opposite cur 
rent to that in which it ran for ages ; international law is no longer 
expounded by the cannon and the sword ; the military tactics of Charles 
XII. and of Napoleon, each in their day so formidable and perfect, have 
been bettered by improvement ; and even the every-day utensils of hus- 
bandry and mechanical tools for the present time would not be recognised 
by the original inventors. Mind, in this myriad of diversified applications, 
has, with superhuman effort, given birth to a new world, comparative!}^ 
regenerated and disenthralled from the bigotry and prejudices of the old 
world. The navy alone has apparently resisted change. She has nearly 
stood still amidst the surrounding advancement. The vast improvements 
which commercial enterprise has bestowed upon the merchant marine 
have been avoided and decried by those who have had charge of the na- 
val marine. It should not be. The efiiciency of the nation's right arm 
deserves the benefits of the genius and skill of the world ; not only is it 
entitled to all meritorious improvements of our own country, but to 
those of any other people. 

The present head of the Department has evinced a desire to adopt an 
opposite course. Credit is due to him for a disposition to pursue another 
policy than tliose who doubt the merit of everything new, and adhere 
tenaciously to everything old. He evidently desires to keep pace with 



114 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTEATION OF 

the spirit of the age. Several experiments have abeady been made, to 
the adaptation of science to useful ends. The recent discoveries of Pro- 
fessor Johnson in detecting the Impurities of copper, thus enabling the 
Government, as well as individuals, to detect impositions which, it is 
reasonable to suppose, have cost many millions, are beyond estimate in 
importance. Other experiments have been made, which will prove highly 
beneficial to the service. 

Floating dry docks have been heretofore but imperfectly understood. 
The generally received opinion, that nothing but an old-fashioned exca- 
vated or walled dry dock could safely perform the duty of docking and 
undocking ships of the larger class, has prevented that attention to 
them to which they are so justly entitled. Practical gentlemen have too 
often taken it for granted " that they would not answer," refusing a fair 
dispassionate, practical test. To this spirit, so prevalent in our naval 
service, is chargeable the tenacity with which old ideas and old customs 
are rigidly followed. 

It is not contended that the principle of docking ships by means of a 
floating vessel is entirely new. The general leading feature has been in 
use many years ; but it is believed that there have been recently added 
to it such guards, checks, securities, facilities, and advantages, as to ren- 
der it, in every necessary particular, capable of docking and undocking 
the largest vessel of war. In some respects, advantages over the exca- 
vated dock are claimed for it by those who understand the principles of 
each. These advantages will be enumerated and explained, and it is 
thought satisfactorily, to every casual observer. 

Among the papers from the Secretary, referred to the committee, is 
the report of a commission appointed in October last, to repair to New 
York, to examine and witness the performance of the floating dry docks 
there, and investigate such plans as should be submitted. The gentle- 
men composing it were Capt. Beverly Kennon, United States navy. Col. 
Samuel Humphreys, United States chief naval constructor, and Walter 
E. Johnson, Esq., professor of mechanics and natural philosophy. It 
cannot be disputed that it would have been difficult, if possible, to have 
formed a court of investigation with more capacity and sounder judg- 
ment. The scientific and practical information necessary to ensure safe 
conclusions was here happily blended. Nothing can be hazarded in 
yielding to the opinions of this report. The required knowledge, and 
that patient investigation which is indispensable in procuring a proper 
understanding of a subject so intricate and intimately connected with, 



EON. FERNANDO WOOD. 115 

^nd depending upon, scientific principles, were laboriously bestowed. 
The report is full and conclusive. Seven different plans of floating docks 
were presented, though only two were exhibited in practice, which received 
minute examination, being subjected to the nicest calculation. Their 
comparative advantages and disadvantages went through the ordeal 
of severe scrutiny ; and though it was thought but one would answer for 
the naval service, the other was pronounced meritorious. They were 
the balance floating dry dock of Mr. John S. Gilbert, and the sectional 
floating dry dock of Mr. S. D. Dakin. 

The operation of docking and undocking the largest class of mer- 
chant ships was performed in the presence of the commission — a full 
and detailed account of which is given in the report. The comparative 
advantages are fully shown. A preference is given to the balance dock, 
in the most decided language. Insuperable objections against the other 
are enumerated, one of which (viz. : that much greater depth of water 
than can be found at the Brooklyn yard will be required for its action) 
is enough to put it out of the question, as far as that station is concerned. 
The balance dock is free from this difficulty, owing to its construction 
upon an entirely different principle^ In it, the ship intended to be 
docked is admitted, as in an excavated dock, between the sides ; whereas 
with the former, the whole dock must rest under the ship, and conse^- 
quently, drawing not only the draught of the vessel, but also of the 
dock. As, for instance, if a ship draws twenty-five feet water, and the 
dock twenty feet, it will require forty-five feet water to dock her in. 
The assertion that floating dry docks have advantages over the exca- 
vated dry dock is fully made out by the balance dock. 
The objections to excavated docks are — 

1st. Want of light and room. They are constructed extremely nar- 
row, having but space enough for the vessel. The narrow construction 
arises from the necessity of lessening the pressure of water on the gates 
and under-side of the bottom, which being computed by the area of the 
bottom, will be found immense. This pressure of water is frequently the 
cause of accident, and always of unpleasant consequences. Commodore 
Stewart, in a communication made to Mr. Paynter, member of the 
Naval Committee in 1838, writes that, " owing to this constant pressure 
of water upon the gates, they are always leaking, and the water spring- 
ing into the dock, and the bottom is kept overflowed and wet, which 
requires almost constant pumping for the purpose of draining it off." 
It is to obviate this difficulty, by lessening the pressure, that they ai^ 



lid LIFE AND Public administrai'iox of 

built as narrow as the admission of the vessel will aliow. Hence it k 
tliat not sufficient light is thrown upon the hull. In clouded days, arti-- 
ficial light must he introduced, to enable the workmen to perform their 
work. It follows, that the quantity as well as the quality of the work 
is not as it would be if done under the bright rays of the sun, or if not 
restricted from the usual light by high walls. A diminution in quantity 
and deterioration in quality must ensue. It may well be a question 
whether the enormous expense attending the repairing of vessels of war 
has not, in part, been contributed to by this want of light in dry docks; 
it is well ascertained that, with artificial light, the caulking of seams and 
coppering cannot be as well performed as with the natural light of day. 

Another evil, arising from the same cause, is the difficulty in getting 
long pieces of timber into the dock, and preparing them for being placed 
upon the keel or bottom. 

The balance floating dock is without these objections. There is no 
necessity for narrow construction or high sides. The pressure of water 
is upon all its parts. To give room to workmen, it is made double the 
width and much longer than the largest ship to ha enclosed in it — thus 
at once securing light, room, air, and effective power. 

2d. The health of the workmen. The extreme dampness of an exca-- 
vated dock is detrimental and sometimes fatal to those engaged in them. 
The mechanics are crowded together eleven hours daily, in wet and cold, 
and a humid atmosphere. Diseases of a peculiar and serious character 
are frequently the result. Floating dry docks are without this evil. In 
them the labor is preformed on a dry floor, with good light, and sufficient 
ventilation. 

3d. The labor in docking a vessel upon the excavated dock is in- 
creased as the size and weight of the vessel docked is decreased. Greater 
power is necessary to dock the smallest sloop of war than the largest 
ship of the line ; which is not the case with the balance dock. AVith the 
latter, the reverse is the fact. The smaller the vessel, the less the re- 
quired labor and power, and vice versa. 

4th. Tliere is less safety in the excavated docks. The gates, being of 
wood, are liable to decay, and to be forced open by the pressure against 
tlicni, wi.ich is increased by the necessity of constructing them high, to 
keep oul extraordinary tides. , The alternate exposure to wet and dry 
increases the chances of accident, by decreasing the strength of the 
wood of wh'ch they are made. In 1838, the gates of a dock in France 
gave way, thereby drowning and killing fifteen persons. Similar acci- 



^ HON. FERNANDO WOOD. lit 

deiits. destroying, in one instance, eighty persons, are said to have occur- 
red in England. 

The balance dock is without this objection. As has been seen, there 
is no extraordinary pressure upon any part, and what there may be is 
equal upon all its parts. The strain which, in the excavated dock, is 
brought to bear upon the gates, is borne by it upon the sides and ends, 
thus operating as a preventive to accidents, and not inviting them. 

5th. The time required to build. It is estimated that from six to 
eight years will be required to build an excavated dock, and but as many 
months for a balance dock. Upon this point, the report of the commis- 
sion properly remarks : '•' If the Government were at war, and had, in 
the harbor of New York, several disabled vessels which could not make 
their Avay to Norfolk or Charlestown, and the question was the most 
speedy method of getting docked, it would doubtless render this consid- 
eration important, indei^endeut of the loss of interest or cost between 
the commencement or completion of a walled (excavated) dock." 

6th. It is stationary. The balance dock could be removed from one 
position to another, whenever convenience or safety required. The ad- 
vantage of this quality is too obvious to need comment. 

7th. Difference in original cost. The estimates for an excavated dock 
{at Brooklyn) are from .^900,000 to #1,300.000. 

Mr. Gilbert, the inventor and constructor of the balance dock, offers 
to contract with the Government to build a dock on the plan, 240 feet 
long, 85 feet wide, and 33 feet high, (large enough and with power enough 
to raise the ship-of-the-line Pennsylvania,) for $250,000 ; if built inside 
of an iron tank, as high as the load line, $260,000 ;. and if all of iron, or 
such parts as would be necessary, but little variation from that sum. Of 
^course the price would vary according to the size and material of whiqh 
it was built. Take $1,100,000 (a medium sum between the estimates 
for an excavated dock) as about the cost, and it will be seen that there 
will be $850,000 difference in cost of building. The interest on the 
<30st of the excavated docl>; would be $66,000 dollars per annum, when 
calculated at 6 per cent, and would, in four years, amount to $264,000 — 
a greater sura than is required to construct a balance dock. Thus it is 
seen one of them could be built every four years for the interest of the 
«ost of the excavated dock. It would not take many years to place a 
dock at every southern port where they are so much wanted, by the 
iipporpriation of merely the interest of. constructing one dry dock on 
the old plan. Another consideration, too important to be overlooked, 



118 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

is, that there would be much greater distribution and quantity of laboi! 
given to mechanics. 

These are the prominent advantages of the balance dock over the exca 
vated dock. In sevei^al material points, they are worthy of further dis 
cussion and amplification than can be given in this report. 

We will now proceed to notice the common supposed objections t( 
floating dry docks. 

1. They are constructed of perishable materials, and are subject U 
decay and accident. 

If built in a galvanized wrought-iron tank, as prepared by the com 
mission, this objection and its consequences are at once dissipated. Its 
durability would be secured ; nor would it require repair — having, in that 
particular, an advantage over the excavated dock. The gates of the 
latter, being of necessity built of wood, and, as has been stated, alter- 
nately exposed to wet and dry, their liability to decay is increased. 
Frequent examinations are required ; and, when repaired, it is in some 
eases necessary to build a coffer dam, at a heavy expense. No accident 
to the hull of the balance dock can effect its stability, or its retention 
of upright position — the space between the outer and inner walls beings 
divided into small cells. If it were possible to perforate it, the water 
would flow over the whole platform, thereby preserving a perfe€t level. 

2. A vessel of the first class would be unsafe if for any length of time 
in a floating dock. 

The fact that the floating dry docks of New York have sustained the 
largest merchant ships as long as it could be probable would ever be re- 
quired in the navy, is a sufficient reply to this objection. No accident 
from this cause^ nor,, indeed, any other, has happened. It is no reply to 
say that the danger is increased with the size of the vessel docked. A 
floating dock which will lift and sustain one thousand tons will lift and 
sustain four thousand tons, provided it is constructed large enough to 
admit the vessel, and all its parts are increased in strength in proportion 
to its increase of size. Its width is always nearly double that of the 
largest ship intended to be docked ; consequently, the effective power 
and strength is superior to that which is required to safely sustain any 
ship which it is spacious enough to hold. If made of iron, all doubts 
upon this point must certainly vanish. 

In reply to a letter addressed, to Professor Johnson, since the report of 
the commissioners, asking whether, in his opinion, the naked hull of a 
ship-of-the-line (having reference to those now at New York) could be 



HON, FERNANDO WOOD. 119 

• • 

safely lifted and sustained in a floating dock, he says : " In reply to the 
specific question which you propound, I would say that, if built in a 
substantial and workmanlike manner, I see no reason to doubt that a 
dock on that (Gilberfs) plan could safely lift and sustain the naked hull 
of a ship-of-the-line." He evidently alludes to a wooden dock. If 
built of iron, there could be but little, if any, difference between it and 
the excavated dock, as to accident and strength. 

3. The unsteady position and chances of straining or hogging the 
ship whilst in dock. 

This objection, however true of floating dry docks generafly, cannot 
lie against |he balance dry dock- It is guarded against fully. There is 
a perfect adaptation of the line of keel blocks to the line of the keel of 
the vessel, which gives it an unyielding and firm support. It has a coun- 
terpoise to the weight of the ship, which is distributed over the whole 
platform. 

The large area of water covered by the length, width, and weight of 
the dock keep the whole in an immovable position. The one now in 
the Hudson river, at New York, lying in the most exposed part of the 
harbor, where severe northwestern winds prevail three months in the 
year, has never met with hinderance or accident to either dock or vessel. 

If the advantages claimed for the balance dry dock rested upon no 
other basis than theory, or its operation by a model, it would be temer- 
ity to recommend one for the Government. The value of a vessel of 
war, or, indeed, the cost of the dock, would be too great to intrust to 
the hazard of an experiment. However urgent may be the necessity, 
New York had better remain without a dock than to adopt one which, 
if failing, loss of property so great would ensue. It could not aid the 
cause of progress and improvement to adopt any plan of dock as a sub- 
stitute, or even auxiliary to a dry dock, which would not entirely an- 
swer the purpose. An experiment is not made in constructing a balance 
dock. It is already in successful operation -at New York for 1,500 tons, 
and at Amsterdam for 4,000 tons. 

The Dutch East India Company paid 12,000 guilders for simply the 
model and drawings from which (so simple are its principles) it was con- 
structed. At the latest intelligence, this dock was efiBciently performing 
its duty, and no accident had occured. Its lifting power, being 4,000 
tons, is nearly 1,000 greater than the ship-of-the-line Pennsylvania, and 
more than the Secretary tells us will be required, owing to the intention 
of the Department to dismantle before docking. 



120 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OP 

The Austrian Government has also made application to Mr. Gilbert, 
Baron Ghega, chief engineer of Austria, in behalf of his Government, 
after examining all the means in use in raising vessels in Europe and 
America, gave the preference to this plan, and made official report to 
that effect. 

After mature deliberation, and a review of the many considerations to 
be weighed in arriviag at correct conclusions, the committee recommend 
that the existing appropriation of one hundred thousand dollars, voted 
at the last session towards the building at Brooklyn of a dry dock, or- 
floating dock, according to the discretion of the Secretary, be applied 
to the construction of a balance floating dry dock, and rei:^rt a joint 
resolution to that effect. 



SECOXD PROCLAMATION ON THE NEW LIQUOE LAW. 

After the preceding pages were stereotyped, the followiDg im- 
portant proclamation in reference to the new Liquor Law, was is- 
sued by Mayor Wood, to the citizens of New York : — 

Mayor's office. New York, ) 
April 27, 1855. [ 

My late communication to the people of this city respecting the Pro- 
hibitory Liquor Law, recently passed by the Legislature, closed as fol- 
lows : — 

" I have availed myself of the first moment of the Legislature, when 
,,£itll expectations of repeal, or modification, were hopeless. To thus make 
public my position, without having had time to examine it, or to receive 
counsel as to my duties under it, and without knowing whether I am 
called upon, or have power, as Mayor, to take any part in its Execution, 
I shall inform myself on these points without delay, and announce my 
conclusion to the public with the same candor that prompts this com- 
munication." 

The opinions of my legal advisers are before the public, and their con- 
clusions need but brief reiteration at my hands. In my capacity as 
Mayor, the Corporation Council is by the Charter constituted my guide ; 
in my functions as Magistrate, the District Attorney becomes my co-op- 
erator. These gentlemen sustain the same relations to me as are held by 
Attorney Generals to the President, or the Governor. To act contrary 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 121 

to their direction, until it is superseded by absolute judicial declaration, 
would be an illegal assumption, for doubtful powers are thus made cer- 
tain. I have no discretion to take any other line of conduct, without 
doing what could be properly charged as an illegal assumption of power 
unauthorized by law. Therefore, while standing ever ready to execute 
all laws faithfully and diligently, to the extfent of the means placed at 
my command, I am, like other Executive officers, confined within the 
boundaries prescribed by the legal advisers of my office ; to act contrary 
would be to violate the law, or what I am obliged to consider the law, 
until decided to be otherwise by the courts. 

The replymade by Mr. Hall, the District Attorney, is dated three 
days succeeding the publication of my views ; that of Mr. Dillon is da- 
ted the following day. My inquiry to Mr. Hall was confined to what 
would be the law governing the sale of liquor in this city after the ex- 
piration of existing licenses (May 1st) until July 4th, when the penalties 
of prohibition will go into effect, and as to the laws governing Sunday 
selling during the same period. He replied that the old license system 
is superseded by the new, with its own appropriate penalties ; that the 
old penalties were not only specific to the old system, but are inap- 
plicable to the new system, as well because jDcnalties cannot be extend- 
ed by implication as because the new system had its own specific pen- 
alties ; that by an oversight of the Legislature, the new penalties are 
superseded until that part of the act creating them becomes operative ; 
that from May first, when existing licenses expire, until July 4th, no ob- 
stacle exists to the free sale of liquor in this city, and that it can be 
sold the same as any other commodity ; and that for Sunday selling 
there is no penalty save the old civil penalty of two dollars and fifty 
cents for a whole day's traffic, and which is to be prosecuted and col- 
lected in a civil action by the Corporation Attorney. 

The inquiries to Mr. Dillon were more general, applying to the whole 
scope of the Prohibitory section. 

In reply, he says, that the Mayor is not empowered to hear and deter- 
mine the charges, and punish offenses, arising under any part of its pro- 
visions. That the Mayor is not authorized to perform any other duty 
under the act, than to require policemen to perform the duties enjoined 
upon them, but that, in his direction to the police, he must caution them 
against any infraction of that section of the law which declares it shall 
not apply to liquors, the right to sell which in this State is given by any 
law or treaty of the United States, and which are exempt from seizure, 



122 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 

for the selling of which there is no penalty, and that policemen will not 
be warranted in seizing such liquors, or the vessels in which they are 
contained. The Council more particulai'ly describes these liquors as 
being all those which are permitted to be imported by act of Congress, viz. 
— which pay duty ; thus comprehending all that are imported. He also 
thinks that the Mayor has been appropriately advised by the District 
Attorney on other branches of the law before referred to. 

And now an experiment is to be tried in this city, whether, in the ab- 
sence of legal compulsory authority, there is sufficient moral force in the 
community to prevent unlimited indulgence in intoxicating drinks. 
Under these opinions of the law officers, the coercive principle re- 
cently adopted by the Legistature being in effect almost entirely nulli- 
fied, shall we by general license and unbridled indulgence prove that co- 
ercion is necessary ? Shall we thus admit the force of the prohibitory 
argument by showing our inability of 'self-restraint, our incompetency 
for social self-government ? If so disqualified, we are totally unfit for 
the blessing of political self-government. 

It is unnecessary to descant upon the evils of intemperance. Its re- 
sults are too indelibly stamped upon the condition of a very large por- 
tion of this community, to require any allusion from me. Any man who 
walks abroad, or who visits the garrets and cellars of this metropolis, 
filled with indigence, wretchedness and disease, or who takes a glance 
into our prisons, hospitals or Alms House, will be more or less than man 
if he does not turn away with a painful and humiliating consciousness of 
the crime, misery, and degradation to which alcohol reduces all who 
yield to its temptation. Nor is it here alone where the sad results are 
exhibited. The same developments aro often found among the opulent, 
the educated, and the refined, and can we be surprised that, as the phi- 
lanthropist surveys this dreadful, but not over-colored picture, he should 
resort to remedies as violent as the evil sought to be removed appears 
extreme and destructive ? 

I apprehend all will agree with me in the existence of this great in- 
jury to society in our midst, and let us so restrain ourselves by moral 
force alone, that penal enactments may be unnecessary to enforce its 
prohibition. The best coercion is voluntary determination. The human 
will should have force enough to counteract the social evils of this kind 
of over-ndulgence. When the mental has become subservient to the 
animal propensities, all distinctions from the brute are removed, and man 
is debased indeed. 



HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 123 

And especially with reference to the Sabbath, let us imnite these princi- 
ples, with a reverence for a day hallowed and blest by divine institutions 
throughout the civilized world. Do not again place that day in jeop- 
ardy ! It ha^ been my constant effort to give New York quiet, peace- 
ful Sabbaths, consistent with the calmness and devotion which char- 
acterize a time dedicated to such sacred objects. The closing of the 
liquor shops, and it may be said almost total abstinence, has been ob- 
tained. A disposition has been manifested to comply with my wishes 
and with the law, in this matter, highly creditable to those engaged in 
the trade, and which in no small degree has served to allay much hos- 
tility to the traffic generally, besides raising the moral position of the 
trade itself. 

Though I look into the future with some fear in view of my present 
restricted legal power over this subject, still there shall be no change in 
my efforts to maintain intact the present cessation of liquor selling and 
other employments on that day ; and in this the liquor dealers them- 
selves should continue to co-operate; It is their duty as well as their 
interest to comply. Even those who defend the occupation as an ab- 
stract, inherent right to deal in any article of merchandize, cannot but 
admit that none but the evil-minded, who are not creditable members of 
any profession or society, can maintain a position so antagonistiq to 
public sentiment and morals. I look upon liquor selling upon the Sab- 
bath day as a degrading occupation, from which any man, as he values 
his reputation, should fly as from a contagion. 

Let me urge, therefore, upon all, to show that the citizens of New- 
York have within their own breasts a higher law, which governs their 
appetites without penal punishments, and that having tasted the sweets 
of the quiet Sabbath — of one day's rest and repose from the toils, strifes, 
and wickedness of the weekly contests incident to city life — we will not 
again relax into what is little better than bestial indulgence, on- a day 
devoted, throughout the Christian world, to the worship of the " only 
true and ever-living God." 

FEENANDO WOOD. 



124 



LIFE AND PUBLIC ADIIIXISTRATION OF 



LETTER ADDRESSED TO HENRY J. RAYMOND, 

ON THE 

POLICE BILL BEFORE THE LEGISLATUEE OF TP STATE OF 
i\EW YORK, 

EXPRESSING AN OPINION ADVERSE TO ITS PASSAGE. 

Mayor's Office, New-York, March 5, 1855. 
To the Lieut. Governor of the State of Xew-York : 

Dear Sra : In the first message submitted by me to the Common Conncil of this City, I 
animadverted upon the continual application of interested parties to the Legislature for 
the passage of laws affecting our public interests. 

In your position, and with your experience in either branch of the Legislature, it is im- 
possible that this practice has not attracted your notice, and, of course, received your 
condemnation. Believing you will appreciate the motive.s which govern me, in offering 
views upon matters of legislation, when this City is interested, I take the liberty of ex- 
pressing hostility to the bill now before the Assembly for the alteration of our police 
system, which is one of a series of measures now proposed, having their origin in per- 
sonal interest rather than public advantage. It would be derelict in me, if, from any 
cause, I permitted this proposition to succeed, without raising a warning voice against it. 

Having assumed the oiBce of Mayor with a determination to discharge its duties with 
a single eye to the public interests, it is impossible for me to remain indifferent to a pro- 
position which, if passed, will striiie the death-blow to all my efforts, however feeble, to 
remove the shocking evils which have grown out of past misgovernment. Though op- 
posed to granting special acts for the benefit of individuals or classes, I am willing to yield 
almost everything before giving up the only safeguard we possess for the preservation of 
the peace and the property and the lives of our people. Give up all, but give us the po- 
lice. The police, as now organized under its present system, is efficient. As a whole, it 
not only seconds my efforts, but it has been the main instrument by which nearlj^ every 
reform projected by me has been carried through. The closing of the liquor shops on 
the Sabbath has been principally produced by the vigilance of the police in obedience to 
my orders. To fully comprehend the results of this triumph over one of the greatest 
sources of vice ami crime in this city, it is only necessary to refer to the number of ar- 
rests on the Sabbath in 18-54 as compared with the arrests on the same day thus far 
in 1855. 

The following tabular statement, from official records, is reliable : 

ARRESTS ox SUNDAYS, 1854. 

Jan. 1 206 Apr. 2 76 , July 



Feb. 



Mar. 



Jan. 



1 


206 


8 


63 


15 


83 


22 


85 


29 


70 


5 


131 


12 


131 


19^ 


112 


26* 


77 


5 


97 


12 


140 


19 


100 


26 


116 


7 


5S 


14 


65 



May 



112 
71 
124 
133 
141 
136 
136 
121 
160 
139 
130 
141 



9 

« 16 
" 23 
" 30 
Aug. 6 
" 13 
" 20 
" 27 
3 
10 
17 
24 



Sept. 



Oct. 



ARRESTS ON SUNDAYS, 1S55. 



Jan. 



162 
180 
143 
13-2 
117 
164 
149 
184 
138 
168 
112 
126 
146 



38 I Feb. 



1 


95 


8 


127 


15 


123 


92 


120 


29 


118 


5 


105 


12 


56 


19 


133 


26 


no 


3 


71 


10 


87 


17 


103 


24 


78 


31 


112 


18 


60 


25 


47 



HOX. FERNANDO WOOD. 125 

By this It will appear that in the first eight Sabbaths of 1854 the ai-rests were 878 aa 
against 338 for the same period in 1855. To appreciate this, under my administration, the 
iticreased vigilance and activity of the Police must be considered. If, with the lux disci- 
pline existing in January and February, 1854, there were arrested on the Sundays in 
those months 878 offenders, what would there have been under the new reguhitions ami 
more stringent administration now existing ? But if from any supposed cause other 
reasons can be found than the closing of the public houses, for so great a difference be- 
tween the two years, refer to the eight Sundays immediately preceding the commence- 
ment of my term, and it will be seen that the arrests were 855 in November and Decem- 
ber 1854, and only, as before stated, 338 for the two following months— January and Feb- 
ruary, 1855. Comment on these figures is unnecessary. The obvious deductions are, 
that the abolition of liquoi'-selling on Sunday, together with the present improved condi- 
tion of the Police, are productive of morality and destructive of disorder, vice and crime ; 
abd these results have been mainly effected through the extreme devotiou of the Police 
to my orders, and this devotion to my orders is the consequence of its present discipline, 
produced by the unrestricted power I now hold over it. 

Other similiar reforms have been effected in the same manner, the consequence of the 
same cause ; but this is suflBcient to show conclusively that the police, as now organized 
and controlled, is rapidly improving, and will soon become second to no similar corps in 
the world, which is not directly under military rule. This improvement has been accom- 
plished under the present system, which, though not perfect, is far preferable to that 
now before the Legislature. 

That bill proposes that there shall be elected by the people four Commissioners of Police, 
■who, with the Mayor, ex officio, shall constitute a Board to sit daily in a room to be pro- 
vided by the Common Council, and, of course, at an hour when the Mayor cannot be 
present, and who shall, through a President to be selected by themselves, from their 
own number, have full and unrestricted cqntrol over the whole department, even to the issu- 
ing of orders, notices, &c., to the police. 

The Commissioners are to be elected by the people. It will not do to assume that the 
members of the Legislature are ignorant of the mode of conducting our primary elections 
in this city, by dwelling upon the objections to this way of making Commissioners who are 
to be clothed with the important power of appointing, trying, punishing and removing 
policemen, in whose hands are placed the custody of the peace, order, property and 
lives of nearly three-quarters of a million of inhabitants. There Are some propositions 
BO evident, that no argument or statements are required to elucidate them : that a po- 
lice system founded upon this principle, deriving its appointment from this source, will 
he destructive to every semblance of what constitutes police, is one of these. But ad- 
mitting the elective principle without objection, the withdrawal of power from the 
Mayor, contemplated by the bill, consot be defended. 

The scattering of authority among Fire Couimissioners, is of itself bad enough, inas- 
much as it destroys that unity of executive authority, without which no good govern- 
ment can exist in this city, with its present hybrid population ; but to take from the 
chiff magistrate, whose duty it is made to see the laws executed and who is responsible 
to the people, control over the police, is, if poss ble, yet worse. 

It is true the bill contains one section that the Mayor shall be " Head of the Police De- 
partment," but this is a contemptible falsehood, unworthy of a place in any statute. 
To declare that any ofi&cer shall be the head of a department, when deprived by another 
section of everything that constitutes authority over it, is as absurd in theory as it is in- 
sulting to tlie common sense of the people, who it thus seeks to deceive into a behef of 
Its possible practicability. 

So far, I have made myself useful in the office of Mayor. Mj success in removing 



126 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF HON. F. WOOD. 

many evils, and in the introduction of reforms of great benefit has exceeded my expec- 
tations. 

I desire to go en unmolested and unrestricted in the use of the weapons by which 
crime has been punished, vice prevented, and municipal abuses abolished. When these are 
taken from me, my usefulness is destroyed. Without tools, no mnchanic can construct, 
and without a police, no magistrate can perform his duty. 

Pass this bill, and the liquor shops will soon "be again opened on Sunday, and aU the 
other evils which have so long affected us, and from which we are now happil}'^ being re- 
Ueved, will soon be restored, and render this great and beautiful city a disgrace to the 
American name. 

When this comes, the people must find some other occupant for the Mayoralty chair. 
I shall cease to hold it when deprived of the means to carry out the reforms which' I 
have begun, and, so far, have been successful in accompUshing. 

My personal allusions herein have been forced upon me, in a fair discussion of the 
subject, and not in any desire of 'self-glorification, or with any assumption or egotism. 

I ask your co-operation in defeating a measure .so pregnant with evil to this community, 
in whose welfare and prosperity you have so long taken an active and influential part. 
I am, very truly, yours, 

FERNANDO WOOD, Mayor. 

We have in our possession many other documents, inchiding the 
Mayor's yeto of the Central Park — letters to U. S. Consuls in 
Europe — to the Police in respect to the Suppression of Intempe- 
rance on the Sabbath and other subjects — a flattering communica- 
tion which he has received, requesting him to be a candidate for 
■ the Presidency of the United States, and his letter declining the 
honor — and other important papers, which we reluctantly omit, as 
they would swell the volume far beyond what we anticipated as 
a book intended for wide circulation. 



